Bamian History: Pirs, Mirs, and Mamurs

A CHRONOLGY OF BAMIAN HISTORY:  HAZARAS, ISMAILIS, PIRS, MIRS, AMIR/MAMUR

[WHAT FOLLOWS IS THE FOLLOWING FILE WITH EMENDATIONS: BO2A.HST.TXT]

ORIGINS

 

>>  On “origins” of Hazaras, Jones, S. 1976: 50 ff.  Cites and discusses quotations from Burnes, Leech, Gray, Bacon, Aslanov.

 

ISLAMIC PERIOD

 

BAMIAN’s EARLY FORMATIVE HISTORY

>>  Jones, S.  1976: 51:  [from Bacon]:  “Before the fifteenth century in Afghanistan hazara had referred simply to a mountain tribe, . . . but by the fifteenth century the term had increasingly come to refer to specifically Mongol tribes now situated in the mountain regions.”  Aslanov (1969: 36; i.e. in Grassmuck, etc.) says Mongol invaders of 1221-23 [under Chengis] “left detachments” in the region now called Afghanistan, and later, “four sons of Chengis Khan and thereafter his grandson Mangu Khan also invaded, accompanied by thousands of men who established permanent garrisons in the conquered country.  These men mixed with the local people and gradually adopted the language of the conquered.”

 

Early Ismaili history

 

TAKEN FROM ISMERLY.HST

This will be notes on early Ismaili history, relevant to my chapter

 

Stern, S. M.  1983.  Studies in Early Ismâ`ilism.  Institute of Asian and African Studies:  The Hebrew University of Jerusalem.  Jerusalem:  Magness, and Leiden:  Brill.  pp. 189-233.

 

1. 216: “The da`wa was brought to Khurâsân by Abû `Abd Allâh al-Khâdim and the first place where it appeared was Naysâbûr (al-Maqrîzî, in his history of the Fatimids); Stern estimates this to have been at the end of the third / ninth century. He was succeeded by Abû Sa`îd al-Sha`rânî, who arrived in 307/919-20 and found converts among the military officers (Stern p. 217).  He also resided in Nishapur, was killed there sometime in the 320s A.H.  He was succeeded by al-Husayn b. `Ali al-Marwazî, who had been converted in Khurasan by the famous Isma`ili missionary Ghiyath when he for a time had fled to Khurasan from persecution in Rayy.  The center of al-Husayn’s influence was Marw al-Rûth, which included Taliqan, Maymana, Herat, Gharjistan and Ghur) (Stern 217).  He had been made a commander of Samanid forces for a short time in Sijistan in 297 and again for a time in 300 A.H.  He led a rebellion in Herat against the Samanid Amir Nasr b Ahmad in 301, but was defeated, was imprisoned, eventually released and allowed to come into the court of Nasr b. Ahmad.  On his death bed he appointed Muhammad b Ahmad al-Nasafî (also known as al-Nakhshabî) as his successor and advised him to go to Transoxania and aim at converting the officers of the Samanid court.  (Stern 219).  He became known as “one of the philosopers of Khurasan and a theologian” (Nizam al-Mulk).  Stern believes that  al-Nasafî founded Isma`ili philosophy by adopting the Islamic Neoplatonism current in his day; his philosophical works became standard statements of Isma`ili doctrine in Persia in the fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries, and formed the basis of the systems taught by Abû Ya`qub al-Sijistânî and Nâsir-i Khusraw (Stern 220).  Al-Nasafî was notably successful in converting many prominent members of the court and indeed the Amir himself, Nasr b. Ahmad.  However, when Nasr’s son succeeded him to the throne the fortunes of the Isma`ilis were reversed and a number of Isma`ilis were killed, included al-Nasafî.  He was succeeded by Abu Ya`qub al-Sijistânî, who apparently survived late into the fourth century (Stern 221), and he was succeeded by Dihqân, also known as Mas`ud, the son of al-Nasafî.

——–

 

Corbin, Henry.  1975.  chapter 16:  Nâsir-i Khusrau and Iranian Ismâ`îlism.  In The Cambridge History of Iran:  Vol 4:  The Period from the Arab Invasion to the Saljuqs, ed. by R.N. Frye. pp 520 -542. 

 

520:  Ismailism began with death of Iman Ismail, son of the Imama Ja`far al-Saadiq, who died shortly before 148/765.  Ismaili history does not  extend to a past in the sense iunderstood by our own scientific history, .. rather is a hierohistory, comes from an a priori sacral image.

 

p520, unlike much of other literature of the times, which was written, even by Iranians, in Arabic, that of Nasir was written in Persian.  The Ismailis are

 

p.522   Ismailism split after the death of al-Mustansir bi’llah in 487/1094.  The period of the dominance of the Fatimids was then succeeded by a period by which the Fatimids dominated only the western Ismaili tradition, Egypt and the Yemin.   The eastern Ismaili tradition was that which followed the Nizaris.  The eastern Ismailis centered in Alamut, which was destroyed by the Mongol in 654/1256.  After that time Ismailism survived in Persia under the cover of Sufism, so that Iranian Sufism tends to assume the appearance of a crypto-Ismailism.

During that time because of crises in the Iranian plateau, many Ismailis moved to India.  After the fall of Alamut, there was a kind of renaissance of Nizari Ismailism in the 16th and 17th centuries, centered in Anjudan, which was during that time the place of residence of the Nizari Ismaili Imams.  The descendents of those who fled to India are now called Khojas and whose pre-eminent spiritual leader is His Highness Karim Agha Khan, the forty-ninth Imam.  The first Ismailis to flee into India came after the Mongol invasions of Iran and the Middle East in the 13th century.  Before the rise of the Fatimids to power in Egypt the Ismaili missionaries had created in Sind at state with its capital at Multan.  After the fall of Alamut, Ismaili literature in Persian breaks off completely until the time of Nasir-i Khusrau, who wrote mostly in Badakhshan, where his works were carefully preserved.

The agenda of the Fatimids [dates??] had been “the unification of Islam under the authority of the Imam, that is to say of the legitimate theocratic sovereign, member of the family of the Prophet” (p.524).

The works of Nasir-i Khusrau were written in Persian in the days of the Fatimid and in Badakhshan.  The Ismailis of central Asia were Nizaris, but through the influence of Nasir-i Khusrau, some of their beliefs came to resemble those of the Fatimids, who had originally commissioned Khusrau to be a missionary to Badakhshan.  Ismaili literature is divided by this author into three strati, the first being the early writings of Ismailis in the Pamir which he [who? Daya?] regards as proto-Ismaili and evinces signs of Qarmati and Khattabi ideas.  The second stratum is the works of Nasir-i Khusrau and others who imitated him, all writing in Persian, in the period after the destruction of Alamut [date??].  The third stratum was that which developed in the wake of the writings of Nasir-i Khusrau, which entailed the “coalescence of Ismaili ideas with Sufism” (p.526).  This was manifest in the writings of Mahmud Shabistari and the famous Sufi poet, Farid al-Din ‘Attar, whom the Ismailis regarded as one of themselves. (W. Ivanow. A Guide to Ismaili Literature, pp.104-105,118.)  Ismaili thought is also evident in the Persian Sufi literature, which is also Shi’i in its philosophy, as produced under the Safavids.

Ismailis maintain the notion of a magico-spiritual secret possessed only by the Imams, that is passed down to successive Imams.  Ismailis believe that this secret was passed from Imam Ja’far to his son and successor, Ismail.  The original notion of such a secret is associated with the teachings of Abu’l-Khattab, who lived in the 2nd/8th century.  The doctines of Abu’l Khattab are preserved in Umm al-kitab, a book cherished by Ismailis in the Pamir (p.526).  This book says “the Ismaili religion is that founded by the children [disciple] of Abu’l-Khattab, who sacrificed their lives for love of Ismail, the son of Ja’far Sadiq, and it will remain throughout the Cycles of Cycles” (p.527).  The book is preserved by the Ismailis of the upper Oxus as one of their earliest and most sacred books (p.528), and in many respects reflects Manichaen ideas of a pentadic plan of spiritual archtypes, a theme that appears in the writings of Nasir-i Khusrau.

Quote from author, “From the idea of the eternal Imam, as the single and identical Being manifesting itself from Cycle to Cycle in the person of the successive “Imamic personalities”, the concept of the imam is exalted to the metaphysical plane and enters the category of the divine, insofar as it is revealed.  . . . that which reveals this [annunciation], this batin, is the decipherment of the symbol in which it is formulated, whence is derived the predominance of the Silent One . . . the imam enunciating “incorporeally” the symbolic meaning, over the Prophet, the Enunciator.  Indeed, the last imam of a Cycle, the Resurrector, has the prerogative of proclaimin the Qiyamat that is to say the Resurrection which marks the end . . . of the shari’a” (p.529).

After the collapse of Alamut, Sufism provided a refuge and an alibi.

“The leaven of the Ismaili religion as the religion of personal salvation, the “religion of the Resurrection”, is subseqeuntly to be found incorporated in everything which in Iran is called ‘irfan, hikmat, tasawwuf . . ..   Perhaps [these notions] are apparent in this nostalgia for a manifestation of the divinity which allows the inner eye of the heart to behold it . . .” (p. 530).

“The concept of the eternal imam, divine anthrôpos and logos, fosters this expectation of divine anthropomorphosis and an Ismaili treatise on the tradition of Alamut contains pages of pure Sufism.

. . . the spread of this Iranian Ismailism testifies to the importance of the part played by the Persian languages . . . wherever an Ismaili community existed, the Persian language too was sanctified as a liturgial language . . .”(p.531).

Abu Mu’in Nasir b. Khusrau was born in 394/1003-4, in Qubadhiya, a town in the neighborhood of Balkh.  Ismailis of Badakhshan believed that he was a sayyid.

(p.533)  Khusrau’s missionary call was “not a matter of converting crowds, of publically proclaiming a message, but of discerning, one by one, those individuals who were suitable to receive in confidence initiation and secret instruction.”

(p.537) “. . . the local people who regard themselves as sayyids and descendants of Nasir-i Khusrau, are today fanatical Sunnis.  They believe that Nasir was a Sufi pir, a Sunni like themselves, having no connection with Ismailism.  They also apply a pious zeal to discourage the pilgrimages that the Ismailis of Badakhshan are naturally anxious to undertake.”

 

[N.B. Note that here is a shrine that the caretakers seek to discourage pilgrimage to.}

 

Nasir-i Khusrau died in approximately 465/1072, or within five years thereafter.

 

Farhad Daftary.  1990.  The Ismailis: Their History and Doctrines.  Cambridge:  CUP

 

p.444.         The Ismailis who survived the Mongols massacres after Alamut entered a new phase of their history, living outside of their traditional mountain strongholds and strictly observing taqiyya.  They were deprived of any central leadership.  Henceforth the Nizari communities were to develop on a local basis independently of one another.  Many of the Quhistani Nizaris  who survived the Mongol massacres [Daftary, p.445] migrated to Afghanistan, Sind, Panjab and other parts of the Indian subcontinent.

According to the the Nizari tradition, in the months following the fall of Alamut, the Persian Nizari community managed to hide Rukn al-Din Khurshah’s minor son,, Shams al-Din Muhammad, who had received the nass.

Safar-nama of Nizari Quhistani, whose full name was Hakim Sa’d al-Din (or Na’im al-Din) b. Shams al-Din (or Jalal al-Din) b. Muhammad Nizari Quhistani.

 

p.446  In the Safar-nama, he praises the current imam [of the Nizaris] in his poems and also speaks of the spiritual qiyama and other Ismaili ideas, resorting extensively to Sufi forms of expression.  After returning to Quhistan, Nizari served for a while longer the Kart rulers who had extended their influence throughout Afghanistan and Khurasan.

Shams al-Din Muhammad, the imam of the Nizaris Ismailis, son of Rukn al-Din Khurshah, died around 710/1310-1311 in Adharbayjan, after an imamate of almost half a century.

. . . once again a dispute over the succession to the imamate, splitting the line of the Nizari Imams and their followers into what became known as the Muhammad-Shahi and Qasim-Shahi branches.  The Muhammad-Shahi line of imams . . . was discontinued about two [p.447] centuries ago . . . The Qasim-Shahi Imams, who since the earlier decades of the last century have carried the title of Agha Khan . . . are now the sole Nizari Imams.  The split occured over a dispute to succession by the  eldest and youngest sons of Shams al-Din Muhammad.  An important work on the matter was written in Badkhshan in 926/1523 by Muhibb ‘ali Qunduzi.

———

 

1. 448 [there is some doubt about whether M Shah and Qasim Shah were in fact brothers, sons of Mu’min Shah, as Mu’min Shah may have been the elder brother of Qasim Shah, both being the sons of Shams al-Din. In any case Muhamma Shah the son of Mu’min Shah b. Shams al-Din led “a faction of the Nizari community in rivalry with his paternal uncle (or brother) Qasim Shah.”  The line of Muhammad Shahi imams was the most widely followed at first, but eventually that of the Qasim Shahis grew in strength, eventually to become the dominant line.

——————–

 

p.466  Even as late as the 15th century, the Nizari Ismaili were practicing taqiyya and utilizing the cloak of Sufism

 

p.467  Even at the beginning of the Anjudan revival, Nizarism utilizied the guise of Sufism, appearing as a Sufi order, one amongst many such orders then existing in Persia.  For this purpose, the Nizaris readily adopted the master-disciple (murshid-murid) terminology and relationship of the Sufis.  To the outsiders, the Nizari Imams appeared as Sufi murshids, shaykhs, pirs or quths; they were generally regarded, it seems, also a pious Husaynid Sayyids . . . Similarly, the followers of the imams posed as their murids, who were guided along the tariqa or path to haqiqa by a highly revered spiritual master.  With Shi’i ideas and ‘Alid loyalism then spreading in many Sufi orders and religious movements, the veneration of ‘Ali and other Husaynid Imams by the Nizaris did not cause any particular alarm . . . In the course of the Anjudan period it became customary for the Qasim-Shahi Imams to adopt Sufi names.

 

The reorganized and reinvigorated Ismaili Imam structure in Anjudan sought to (p.468–>) sought to reassert the central authority of the imams over the various outlying regions, notably India and Central Asia, which had increasingly come under the control of their local dynasties of pirs . . . The various Nizari communities in Persia . . .  as well as India, had gradually come under the authority of their local leaders, who were often referred to by the Sufi term pir . . . These pirs or chief di’is were either appointed by the imams, who accorded them extensive powers, or were selected locally by the particular Nizari community.  In most communities, the position of pir had gradually become hereditary, with the result that some dynasties of pirs had become largely independent of the imams whose precise whereabouts were often largely unknown to the bulk of their followers.  The hereditary pirs had become particularly autonomous in the areas farthest removed from the residence of the imams; notably Afghanistan, Badakhshan and other localities in Central Asia, as well as the Indian subcontinent.  . . . the local pirs in charge of these communities had acquired financial independence as well . . . It was for these reasons that the imams of the Anjudan period directed a good part of their revived efforts towards undermining the position of the local pirs, with the objective of replacing them by their own loyal appointees.

 

p.469          . . . copies of the Persian version of the Pandiyat [the Pandiyat-i jawanmardi, the sermons of Mustansir bi’llah II] are still preserved in the Nizari manuscript collections of Badakhshan . . . the Nizaris are referred to in the Pandiiyat by Sufi terms such as ahl-i haqq and ahl-i haqiqat, the people of the truth, whilst the imam himself is designated as “pir, murshid and qutb“.  It is explained in that book, however, “that the haqiqa [that is, the secret] essentially consists of recognizing the current imam.  The Pandiyat contiuously stress the duty of the faithful to recognize and obey the current imam, emphasizing that no sacrifice is great enough for making the didar journey to see the imam.  An equal stress is placed on the obligation of the true believer to pay his religious dues, notably the tithe (Persian, dah-yik) . . . of his annual income, to the imam of the time.  These admonitions are evident in the writings of a key leader who wrote in the middle the 10th/16th century.  This imam, following in the footsteps of his father, invited the Muhammad-Shahi Nizaris of Badakhshan and Afghanistan to transfer their allegiance to the true line of the imams, viz., the Qasim-Shahi Imams.

 

NB the rest of this appears in red-lined sections of the copied materials from this book

 

Daya, Mehmood N.  1980.  On the Ismailis in Greater Badakhshan:  Historical Growth and Current Status.  ms. [acknowledge him for this ms.]

 

p1:  Ismailism is well known as the Ismaili tariqa.

p2:  He describes the periods of Ismaili development:

> dawr al-satr, the period of concealment, which eventually led to the creation of the Fatimid Empire in Egypt in 297/909.

> At the death of Caliph Imam al-Mustansir (d. 1094 A.D.) there was the great split between the Musalian branch and Nizari branch.

> Nizari Ismailism “went through” the Alamut period, when they became known as the Assassins;

> Anjuman period or secrecy, [a period of florescence for Ismailism, when the Imams secured their power over local pirs]

> Emergence of the Aga Khan Mahlatti, and thereafter the Indian period of the Imams, eventuating in H. H. Prince Aga Khan IV, the 49th in line beginning with Ali b. Abu Talib.

 

p3 ff.  history of Badakhshan Ismailis will be divided into 4 periods:

>  early period:  The Umm Al-Kitab, “venerated by the Ismailis of the Pamir as one of their sacred books”, originated in this period, is “proto-Ismaili”, reflects ideas among Qarmati and Khattabi adherents at this time.  Umm al-Kitab [“the most secret book of the Central Asian Ismailis” Daftari p25].  This reflects a dissident version of Ismailism.  The Qarmatis were a revolutionary, messianic movement of Ismailis that began in the 3rd/9th century; the Khattabis believed in the divintiy of the imams and also held that al-Sadiq’s spirit had passed to Abu’l Khittab, while some of them maintained that after the latter’s death this spirit had devlved to Muhammad b Ismaili, who later came to be regarded as the wawaited Mahdi by the buk of the early Ismailis; Fatimid Ismailis regarded him as a heritic and repudiated his followers [Daftari 99].  In fact, the Umm al-Kitab “states that the Ismaili religion (madhhab) is that founded by the childen …[disciples] of Abul’l Khattab, who gave their lives for love of Ismail, the son of Ja`far al-Sâdiq, and it will continue through the cycle of cycles” [Daftari 100].  The book contains doctrines of the Shi`i Ghulât, is a syncretic work reflecting influence of diverse non-Islamic religious traditions … such as Valentinion Gnosticism and Manichaeism” [Daftari 110].  Written in the 2nd/8th c. [Corbin] or 5th/11th c [Ivanow], the final redaction of the ms. available being from the 6th/12th c. [Madelung].  The ms. suggests that Muhammad was God, and appeared in five different bodies — M. Ali, Fatima, al-Hasan, al-Husayn; also Muhammad had been Adam, Nuh, Ibrahim, Musa and Isa.

>  period of Nasir-i Khusraw. [Abu Mu`in Nasir b. Khusraw b. Harith al-Qubadiyani].  B. in Qubadiyan, a district of Balkh in 394/1004 [Daftari 215]; visited the Fatimid Caliph Imam al-Mustansir (r. 427-1035 to 487/1094), which was the ‘golden age” of Fatimid rule in Egypt.  He was made a da’i and was given the rank of hujjat; preached Ismailism in Mazandaran with little success, moved to Balkh, with similar results; the ulama there regarded him as a heretic, and in addition “the Seljuqs were systematically persecuting Shi`a of all persuasions, but particularly the Isma`iliya” [Dupree 1976: 10].  He eventually fled persecution to Yamgan in Badakhshan, where he continued to preach and wrote some of the most cherished poetry in the Persian language.  He died in circa 465/1072 to 471/1078.  His tomb is a popular locus of pilgrimage, both by Ismailis and Sunnis, especially Sufis, as his teachings became widely infused into Sufi thought [Dupree 1976].  It was mainly after his death that his writings influenced the populations of Badakhshan to accept Ismailism.  His tomb in Yamgan is now called Hazrat Sayyid; that of his brother nearby is also frequented.  Dupree says that both shrines are currently cared for by Sayyids claiming “true” Arab descent from Bokhara.  “They were reluctant to talk about any isma`iliya connection, and claimed to be Hanafi Sunni.   … [they also] claimed relation to Nasir-i Khushraw through the female line.” [Dupree 1976: 11].  An Ismaili young man said that “both the shrines of Kishm and hazrat Sayyid were related to the Isma`iliya sect.  he also informed [them] that his group believed that Nasir-i Khusrau was buried, not at Hazrat Sayyid, but in Darwaz, to which [he] had walked through a tunnel after his supposed rock tomb at yamgan had sealed itself.”  [Dupree 1976: 13].  nb there is more I did not get yet.

 

From the servant of Jean Selch:

The king of Egypt and the Imam of Ismailis, mustansir-i-billâ, sent shâ nâsir-i-khisraw to Badakhshân to convert Ismailis.  He converted many in the area — even to as far as Bukhârâ — where there were many who became Ismailis.  Shânâsir was sayid of Ilawi.  He was pir of Badakhshân.  He lived 500+ years ago.  In this area there have been many Ismailis.  Khârukh and Dawâz, Dushanbe, Kolâb, and Bukhârâ had many who believed.

 

>  the first revival.  Begins in the 13th c and ends with the end of the Safawid rule in Persian and the coming of the Qajar rulers; this coincides with the appearance of Aga Khan I.  Corbin refers to this period as the “coalescence of Ismaili ideas with Sufism” [Daya p6], as the Ismailis during this period formally embraced the doctrine of ta’wîl [symbolic, i.e., esoteric, interpretation]; began to be associated with the Nasafi Sufi order; and began to regard Farid al-Din Attar [d. 627/1230] as one of themselves.  Actually, the early part of this period was not a “revival” so much as a collapse, as the Ismailis after the fall of Alamut were dispersed and began to conceal their true convictions [practicing taqiyya = dissimulation].  In their dispersion many flet into Afghanistan as well as into the subcontinent.  Living under strict secrecy they took on the appearance of adherents to the Sufi tariqas.  [During this time the Imams remained hidden, as Ismaili Imams had typically been.  They had lived in the period after Alamut in AZerbayjan, then after some other moves eventually settled in Anjudan, near Sultanabad [now Aragh] Persia.  Ismaili Nizaris adopted a “Mystic terminology” [Daya 8]; Hakim Nizari Birjindi Kohistani [d. 720/1320] a Nizari Ismaili poet, was a friend of such famous sufi poets of the time as Hazrat Mehmood Shabistari, Shaikh Solahuddin Sirazi and Sheikh Saadi, whom the Ismailis came to regard as secret members of their religion.  Hamid Algar [1969].  The Revolt of Agha Khan Mahlatti and the Transference of the Ismaili Imamate to India.  Studia Islamica, XXIX: 55-81; p. 57] says that during this period proselization was limited in Persia but “by way of compensation intensified in Central Asia, and still more in north-west India” [p. 57].  This was also the period when the Imams gained greater control over the outlying communities [see Stern, Daftari] and “a constant stream of pilgrims, bringing tribute and seeking blessing,” were undertaking the “perilous journey” to the residence of the Imams in Anjudan [Daya 10]; these pilgrims were looted by “Bakhtiyari raiders and rapacious officials” [Daya 10].  In the latter part of this period the Imams moved to Kahak and thence to Shahr-i Babak in southeastern Iran.  This was a move aimed at accommodating the needs of pilgrims from India, whose importance was growing.  The move also marked the emergence of the Ismailis “from concealment and obscurity to participation in political life” [Daya 10].  The murder of the Imam Shah Khalilullah in 1815 in Yazd marked the emergence of the new period [Daya 11].  During this period, that is during the 14th, 15th, and 16th centuries, Badakhshan was visited by several Ismaili missionaries [Daya 12 ff.].

>  the times of Aga Khan Mahlatti [Aga Khan I] and the Aga Khan III of Bombay.  Imam Hasan Ali Shah became the new Imam and was awarded the district of Mahallat by the Qajar sovereign, Fath Ali Shah Qajar, “to compensate for the brutal murder of his father” [Daya 11].  The award included a title, Aga Khan, a one of the Qajar ruler’s daughters.  Later the Aga Khan was given the governorship of Kirman.  His domains eventually beseiged, however, by the succeeding ruler, Faridun Mirza, (during which time he received tribute from a delegation of Ismailis from Badakhshan (Algar ????: p 66) [cited in Daya 11, 20], and he was eventually imprisoned.  The Aga Khan, however, made several attempts to regain control of Kirman, and was eventually forced to flee.  He moved first to Qandahar [where he found Ismailis?] and eventually to Bombay and died there in 1881.  [It is possible that Qandahar here meant the regions of Q., and in fact referred to Ismailis in rural areas who protected him?].  During the time of Aga Khan I the only reference to an Ismaili leader visiting Badakhshan was by Pir Shahbud Din Shah al-Husayni (d. Dec. 1884).

 

In the present time [c. 1980, Daya 15] Daya says there are 200,000 Ismailis in Afghanistan; 80,00 of whom live in Kabul city, where there are four Jama’at Khanas.  Of the total 80,000 are “Sheikh Ali Hazaras who live in the Bamian, Baghlan and Parwan provinces” [Daya 15] and “practice a high amount of secrecy and as such their exact number is impossible to calculate.  The rest … live in the Pamir mountains ….  There are at least three Jamaat Khanas in these townships.” [Daya 15-6].

 

Dupree, Louis.  1976.  Saint Cults in Afghanistan.  South Asia Series vol XX No. 1 (Afghanistan).  American Universities Field Staff.

 

p3.  The da`i (missionaries) of the Isma`ilia preached an esoteric version of the Koran which the orthodox Sunni though to be heretical.  … God has no attributes, and is above and beyond all conceptions; byt, but His will, He has manifested Himself in the form of …[seek a better source]. …. Seven cycles of Prophets and Imams have existed … Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, Mohammad,the Prophet, and finally ismai`il and Muhammad 9His son).  The Imams who accompanied each Prophet were:  Seth, Sem, Ishmael, Aaron, Simon peter (or John the Baptist …) and Ali.  The Nizar, … diefy `Ali and believe in a Trinity consisting of `Ali, Mohammad, and Solomon.”

…. “As part of taqiya [dissimulation], Isma`iliya often perform Sunni rituals and claim to be Sunni in Sunni-dominated areas.” [p3]

[p 4]  In 1896, Amir Abdur Rahman (1880-1901) implemented policies which rapidly brought most urban brotheroods under the control fo the state.  he appointed the members of the brotherhoods to various grades in an established hierarch, and paid them government salaries. … However, disputes often arose when brotherhoods split and could not agree upon shich group should maintain control of the shrine. …. At theshrin of Sah Maqsud, for example, …two sections of the local brotherhood agreed that each would operate the shrine on alternate weeks to collect donations from pilgrims …

 

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END OF ISEARLY.HIST NOTES

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BABUR’S TIME [16^TH C.] AND FOLLOWING

 

Hazaras and Hazarajat

 

Hazarajat in Babur’s time [16th c.]

>>  Babur in 1504 noted that “Hazaras a Nikudari tribes were living in the western mts of Afghanistan, some of whom spoke Mogholi.  Some groups wintered in the Ghorband are, plundering other tribes, and Babur himself took part in an action against the Sultan Mas’udi Hazaras between Takht Pass and the Sanglakh mountians, occaioned by thier refusal to pay government tributes.  In addition, he noted considerable numbers of Sultan Mas’udi tribesmen living in Kabul.”  Jones, S.  1976: 49.

 

>>  Jones, S.  1976: 53.  Schurmann (1962) and Ferdinand (1964) conclude “that the Hazaras are the descendants of various admixtures of ethnic groupings, from one side an autochthonous agricultural, mainly Tajik populace of the central Afghan uplands, and from the other side nomads of Turco-Mongolian and Turco-Mongolian-Iranian stock. … [T]his nomadic populations migrated regularly and over a long period of the summer season to the mountain districts of the Hazarajat.  By the sixteenth century [[i.e., 1500+] they had begun to settle in these summer encampments and to subject themselves to the Tajik population. … [and] gave their Shi`ite religion to the Tajiks.”

 

>>  Jones, S.  1976: 54:  to Ferdinand a Hazara Khan of Dai Zangi said that “Hazaras were originally nomads from Kandahar”.

 

Jones, Sara.  1976.  The Implications of Ethnic Division in Afghanistan, with Particular Reference to the Hazara Mongols.  Bachelor of Letters Thesis, Institute of Social Anthropology.  Oxford University.

 

Schurmann, H.F.  The Mongols of Afghanistan.  Mouton & Co, 1962.

 

(p. 77)  We know that the medieval countries of Bâmiyân and Ghûr were populated by Iranian peoples.  Futhermore, the subtribal name Tadjik still occurs among both Taimannîs and Hazâras, indicating the presence of a submerged Tadjik or Tadjikoid population.   Today, however, the aboriginal Iranian population has been [p.78] into the now dominant Aimâqs and Hazâras.

 

Schurmann, H.F.  The Mongols of Afghanistan.  Mouton & Co, 1962.

 

(p.115)  The term Hazâra, of course, means a unit of a thousand.  There is no question but that it is the Persian word designating a unit of 1000 soldiers, a fundamental tribal-military unit in Mongol society (ming-ghan in Mongolian, ming in Turkic).  Although in the 13th century the term hazârá was still used in its original sense, by the middle of the 14th century it was used to designate nomadic or semi-nomadic tribal groups, particularly those nomadizing in the gärmsîr of South-Central Persia and Southern Afghanistan.  Some of the Hazâra groups . . . of the 14th century are definately Mongol, like the Nikûdärîs.  Others are Afghans, and some, perhaps like the Jurmâ’îs, may be of mixed Mongolo-Afghan origin.  Bâbur mentions several types of Hazâras.  The major Hazâras he mentions are the mountain population west of Kâbul.  These are [p.116] undoubtably the ancestors of the present-day Hazârajât Hazâras.  . . . These Sultân Mas’ûd Hazâras, as he stated subsequently, nomdized in the Ghaznî region.  Thus one can say that by the early 16th century, there were already two principal Hazâra groups in the region south of the Hindu Kush: the nomad Hazâras of the Ghaznî-Qandahâr plains region, and the mountain Hazâras of the Gharjistân region.  . . . The Hazâra nomad elements probably disappeared once and for all with the rise of Afghan nomad political power (Ghilzais, Durrânîs, Muhammadzais) in the 17th and 18th centuries.

There is every reason to believe that the nomadic Hazâras mentioned by Bâbur were at least partially Mongol.  Since he distinguishes them from the Afghans, they could not have been Afghan.  However, one need not rely on speculation, for Abu l-Fazl in the late 16th [p.117] century expresses the idea that the Hazâras are of Mongol origin.

 

“. . . The Hazâras are of the army of Caghatai.  Mängü Khân sent [them] tothe assistance of Hülâgü Khân.  He designated his son Nikûdâr-oghlân [to go along] with that group to this region.  From Ghaznîn to Qandahâr, and from Maidân to Balkh, [the whole region] is under their control. More than 100,000 households and [of which] a third part [is] horsemen.  They have horses, sheep, and goats.  Each troop has been seized by cupidity, and they have thus become [divided] into bands and bands.  They play a two-faced game, and show the amity of the wolf.”

 

It is clear that Abu l-Fazl considers the Hazâras to be one of the principal nomadic elements in Eastern and Southern Afghanistan . . . .  Their power extended from Qandahâr as far north as Balkh.  Not only were they descended from Mongols, but their language too was most likely Mongol, for Abu l-Fazl lists Mongolian as the second language (after Turkî and before Fârsi) of the Särkârî of Kabûl.  Not all the Hazâras, however, were nomads.  Bâbur mentions them (along with the Nikûdärîs further west) as the principal mountain population of the Hindu Kush region west of Kabûl.  Abu l-Fazl also mentions some tribal groups in the process of settling down, among whom must have been Hazâras . . .  It seems that the settlement process which led to the formation of the modern Hazârajât Hazâras was going on in Abu l-Fazl’s day.

 

Schurmann, H.F.  The Mongols of Afghanistan.  Mouton & Co, 1962.

 

(p.17)  Dr. Elizabeth Bacon’s characterization of these people as “Hazara Mongols” is misleading.  As I shall argue subsequently, it is my opinion that the Hazâras represent a mixed population made up of an Iranian substratum with a heavy Mongolian overlay.  . . . Ultimately, the Mongol ethnic element in the Hazâras is probably closely linked with that of the ancestors of the Monghôls.  However, such a link cannot be asserted directly on the basis of existing cultural similarities, but largely through historical inference.   Bâbur, in his description of Kâbul Province, states: “In the western mountains there are Hazâras and Nikudärîs.  Among the Hazâras and Nikûdärîs, some speak Mongolian.”

 

Schurmann, H.F.  The Mongols of Afghanistan.  Mouton & Co, 1962.

 

(p.18)  From the descriptions of Bâbur and Abu l-Fazl a number of things is clear.  By the 16th century, there were two distinct ethnic groups living in the mountainous regions west of Kâbul: Hazâras and Nikûdärîs.  The Mongolian language was spoken to some extent among both groups.  The Hazâras were probably the same as the present Hazârajât Hazâras.  The Nikûdärîs, I believe, were the ancestors of the present Moghôls of Afghanistan.

 

Schurmann, H.F.  The Mongols of Afghanistan.  Mouton & Co, 1962.

 

(p.21)  The Nikûdärîs were a nomadic group, at least partially of Mongol origin, which entered the Ghôrât sometime between the end of the 14th century and the beginning of the 16th century, probably as the result of disruption of the their nomadic cycle through the conquests of Tamerlane.  The Nikûdärîs, as well as other similar groups, arose in the middle of the 13th century as dissident (i.e. anti-Il-khanid) Mongol nomadic elements which established a new nomadic [p.22] cycle in Central and Southern Persia.  Though largely Mongol in composition and Mongolian-speaking, they most likely represented a mixture of diverse tribal elements.

. . . Caghatai id rulers were said to have controlled both the Ghôrât and Gharjistân during the early part of the 14th century.  However, there is [sic] a number of reasons for assuming that the Mongols did not settle permanently in the Ghôrât then.  . . . These Ghûrîs formed the basic Iranian population of the Ghôrât.  However, during the Timurid period, they were severely defeated when Herat was reduced.  Thereafter, they are rarely mentioned in the sources.  Bâbur, who enumerates most of the principle ethnic elements in Afghanistan, makes no mention of Ghûrîs.  However, Bâbur mentions that Zû n-Nûn Arghûn was given “Ghûr and the Nikûdärîs” by the ruler of Herat, Sultân Hussain Mîrzâ.   The implication is clearly that by Bâbur’s time, the Nikûdärîs had become the principal ethnic element in the Ghôrât.  . . . I should like to suggest that up to Tamerlane’s time, Iranian Ghûrîs remained the [p.23] principal ethnic element in the Ghôrât.  Thereafter, an incursion of non-Iranian peoples took place.

We know that during the Timurid period large numbers of Central Asiatic peoples entered Khurâsân.  Much of the present racial mixture in both Persian and Afghan Khurâsân dates from that time.  However, it is highly unlikely that any of these people spoke Mongolian.  The ethnic grops allied with Tamerlane were for the most part Turkic-speaking.  There is a tradition that the “Hazâras” are the descendants of ethnic groups which came to the Herât region with Shâh Rûkh, son of Tamerlane.

 

Schurmann, H.F.  The Mongols of Afghanistan.  Mouton & Co, 1962.

 

(p.25)  . . . it seems more likely that the entrance of the Mongols into the Ghôrât and of the Mongol element of the Hazâras into the present Hazârajât must be related in some way.

Direct linguistic connections between Hazâras and Moghôls are difficult to establish.  The Mongol vocabulary of the Hazâras shows characteristics which are foreign to those of Mogghôlî.

. . . it is hard to find Mongolian words which occur in both tongues.  However, the Persian dialect which the two groups also shows considerable differences.  This may be due to the fact that the Hazâras have spoken Persian as their common tongue for a much longer period than the Moghôls.  The Moghôls show signs of having adopted Persian as their common tongue . . . in the recent past.  . . . The total absence of spoken Mongolian among the Hazâras shows that Persian became their common [p.26] language at a much earlier date, probably at the time of the ethnogenesis of the present-day Hazâras.

 

Schurmann, H.F.  The Mongols of Afghanistan.  Mouton & Co, 1962.

 

(p.26)  Essentially, I believe that the Hindu Kush Hazâras represent a composite group consisting of an Iranian or proto-Tadjik sub-stratum with a heavy Mongol overlay.  There is considerable ethnographic evidence to support a hypothesis.  [He uses nomadic practice and forms of tense as cultural criteria for distinguishing several kinds of Hazâras and other non-Hazâras, such as the Moghôls, which is of course not discussed.]

 

Schurmann, H.F.  The Mongols of Afghanistan.  Mouton & Co, 1962.

 

(p.27)  By Bâbur’s time the Hazârajât Hazâras already existed as a distinct people.  However, at that time there still existed nomadic groups in Southern Afghanistan known as Hazâras.  In fact, Bâbur labels the Hazâras and the Afghans as the principal nomadic elements in Southern Afghanistan.  In the 14th century, the term Hazâra was used in the general sense of nomad, particularly one of Mongol origin.  Nikûdärîs, Naurûzîs, Jurmâ-îs, and even Afghans were all apparently generically called Hazâras in the Ta-rîkh-i Guzîdá.  Between the time of Tamerlane and Bâbur, some of these nomadic elements had drifted eastward.  The Nikûdärîs . . .entered the Ghôeât.  Some may have entered the Hazârajât as well.  . . . Apparently sometime between the reigns of Tamerlane and Bâbur, some of these nomadic groups moved up the Hilmand both into the Ghôrât and the Hazârajât.  By Bâbur’s time, they had already formed into separate ethnic groups inhabiting the mountains west of Kâbul.  The nomadic Hazâras who remained in the desert have apparently disappeared.  Either they were Afghanized, or they also filtered into the mountain regions, but at a later date.

This incursion of nomadic Mongolian or partially Mongolian elements seems to have occurred sometime in the 15th century.

 

Schurmann, H.F.  The Mongols of Afghanistan.  Mouton & Co, 1962.

 

(p.28)  We know more about the Ghôrât during the time of the Ghûrid Dynasty than we do in subsequent centuries.  Disunity seems to have prevailed for the most part.  Abû l-Fazl states that the region form “Ghaznîn to Qandahâr, and from Maidân to Balkh” was in the hands of the Hazâras, but adds that they were divided among themselves and constantly at war with each other.  The scene then was probably little different from that which Elphinstone described at the beginning of the 1??th century.  Yet one event makes one think that at one time some sort of political unification must have existed: the Shiization of the Hazâras.  This event is probably related to the spread of Shiism among the masses of Persia during the early part of teh Safawid Dynasty, i.e., in the 16th and 17th centuries.

 

Schurmann, H.F.  The Mongols of Afghanistan.  Mouton & Co, 1962.

 

(p.29)  However, as there is no evidence for a spread of popular Shiism into the lands east of Persia prior to the Safawid Dynasty, [He’s wrong here.  There are a number of radical movements associated with Shiism; he is thinking about a certain brand of Shiism but the Shiism movements were much earlier than this one] it seems most likely that Shiism was adopted by the ruling elements in the Hazârajât and forced onto the mass of the population.  It is possible that this event may have taken place at a time when a large segment of the Hazârajât was briefly unified and in alliance with Safawid Persia, perhaps in the time of Shâh Abbâs I.

 

Schurmann, H.F.  The Mongols of Afghanistan.  Mouton & Co, 1962.

 

(p.31)  . . . in the Hazârajât, on the other hand, is that the Mongols who invaded the region ultimately adopted the culture forms of the pre-existing population, most likely an Iranian group very similar to the Mountain Tadjiks.  However, a new social situation arose, one induced by the fact of conquest.  The invaders became a ruling element whose power was hereditarily constituted.  They seem to have built great fortresses (qal’ás) for defensive concentration.  Common descent groups were strong, and sib consciousness pronounced.  But there is little evidence, except for certain vestigial element in kinship terminology, for sib exogamy.  The groups married among themselves . . . .  Thus, where exonomic forms of the Hazâra way of life seem largely Tadjik, the social forms show marked differences.  . . . [Among the Hazâra] severe climatic conditions put an end to large-scale pastoralism.  Horses were apparently still kept in large numbers, but these did not require removal to yaylâqs as in the case of large sheep or goat herds.  The conversion to Shiism most likely created a strong bond between the rulers and the ruled, for both became religious heretics in the eyes of their overwhemingly Sunnî neighbors.

 

END OF QUOTES FROM: Schurmann, H.F.  The Mongols of Afghanistan.

 

Hazarajat in 18^th– early 19th century

 

Hazaras and Hazarajat

Masson wrote of the district of Wardak that prior to the last century it had been “possessed by the Hazaras, who, about one hundred years since, were expelled by the Afghan.  The Hazaras would also seem to have held the country from Karabagh to Ghazni, but have been in like manner partially expelled.  Indeed, the encroachments of the Afghan tribes are still in progress.

(Masson 1844 II:224)

Early Pirs

 

Masson says [448] that a Sayyed Shah Abbas was a Pir in Birgilich, and was pir of the Sheikh Alis.

 

Wood  200

Of these tribes /Hazara/ the most powerful are the Deh Kundi, Dai Zingi, Deh Zingi, and Sheikh Ali.  Sometimes they are subject to Kunduz and at other times to Kabul.  They now own allegiance to the former, and annually send Murad Ali Beg [Mir of Kunduz] a tribute in slaves.  In paying this inhuman tax, the custom is for a certain number of houses to join together, and when the value of a slaves is collected, he is furnished by them.  In years of great scarcity, such as that in which we visited this people, it is not unusual for Hazara family voluntarily to dispose of one or more children.   It is sacrifice to which they are compelled by necessity.  But generally they speak with detestation of the practice of man-stealing, and never mention the Uzbeks, who enslave them, but in terms of loathing and hatred.

 

Wood  198 (re. Hazaras encountered in Ab-i-Siah vale going up to Gulgatui “a hamlet on the southern side of Hajigak.”)

The early fall of snow this year, they had told us, destroyed the crops, and as they had been unable to pay the usual tribute to the Amir of Kabul, Dost Mohamed, they sheep had been seized.  Without the means of passing /page199/ the long dreary winter now closing in upon them, they were compelled to emigrate to the plains where the wealthy would employ them in keeping the roofs of their houses free from snow, clearing the foot paths, bringing firewood, and in the other drudgery of the household.  This is a misfortune that often overtakes th Hazara . . .

 

Hazarjat in first half of 19th century

 

>>  Jones, S. 1976: 55:  Ferdinand believes “tribal feudalism ruled”, with a basis in the lineage system.  Elphinstone [in early 19th c] describes the tribal divisions, the Deh Zangee, Dah Kundi, Jaghori, and Polada being the largest:  A “Sultan” had absolute power over the tribe, to administer justice, impose fines and executions.  “who have good castles, fine clothes and servants adorned with gold and silver” (1842: 211).  Ferrier similarly describes the eastern Hazaras [whom he knew as the “Posh [Pusht] Koh” as divided into several “tribes” each led by a chief.  Burnes describes the chiefs in the central areas [of the Hazarajat, which included populations as far east as Ghorband] had chiefs known as “mirs” and towards Turkestan as “begs”.  Schurmann (1962: 122) believed the desegnations referred less to lineages as to areas/ localities.

 

>>  dig out my “Petrified Minds” draft and cut up and match with the discussions in Jones:

 

>>  DEB / AMANDA:  copy Jones pp 56 – 65

 

1856. 1: copy quote from Ferrier 1856. [and find the original and get the exact page number]

 

They will never be able to do more than describe with precision the state in which they find it, on account of the multiplicity of political changes, followed by the displacement of whole tribes, the turning of rivers and the destruction of towns near the ruins of which others will rise in an incredibly short space of time . . . How is it possible to establish any system for the future student or traveller where everything is perpetually changing or even to relate distinctly what has happened?

J.P.Ferrier, Caravan Journeys and Wanderings in Persia, Afghanistan, Turkestan and Beluchistan, 1856: p. 1

 

>>  discussions of racial composition in hazarajat and Bamian are in:

Schurmann, F.  1962.  The Mongols of Afghanistan.  p 112.

Jones, S.  1976.  [thesis]:  p19-21.

Ferdinand, K.  1964 [Acta Orientalia 28: 184 ff.] his review of Schurmann

Centlivres, Pierre.  ?? anything published?  see his other arts.

 

>>  on 19th c Bamian:  see Lal [1934]; Masson [1842].  They say the pop in Bamian was mainly Imami.  [Jones, S.  1976: 26]

 

Charles Masson,  Journal … [from about 1832]

 

Masson:  p.295:  Besud [Bìsùd]:  “mâllìa, or tribute, is extracted from them by the authorities of Kâbal.  This fluctuates in actual receipt, but the registered amount is 40,000 rupees.  Some twenty or twenty-five years since the superior chief of [Besud] was the Wali Beg, of Kârzâr.  He was treacherously slain by an inferior chief, the Vakíl Sifúlah, at Síáh Sang (black rock), a spot in the valley leading from Kâbal to the vale of the Helmand.  Mír Walí Beg had twelve sons, the elder of whom, Mír Máhmúd Shah, became Mír of Bísút.  The younger of these sons, Mír Yezdânbaksh, assembled troops, defeated and took prisoner the Vakíl Sifúlah, whom he slew at the same spot (Síáh Sang) where his brother had been sacrificed.  Mír Yezdânbaksh next directed his arms against his eldest brother, Mír Máhamúd Shah, whom he compelled to fly to Kâbal.  He now assumed the mírship, but his claim was contested by an intermediate brother, Mír Abbás.  The fortune of Mír Yezdânbaksh prevailed, and Mír Abbás suffered defeat; but the former, … unwilling to proceed to extremities with a brother, and anxious to secure to his interests as a ???? soldier, tendered a reconciliation, which Mír Abbás accepted, and for some time resided with his brother.”

 

 

Masson: p. 296:  “Mìr Yazdan Bakhsh, the acknowledged lord of Bísút, turned his attention to the affairs of his province, and by humiliation of the several petty chiefs, established a more decisive authority than any former mír had enjoyed.  Inexorable to the haughty, and such as opposed his plans, he was equally careful of the interests of the subject, and his name was venerated among the Hazáras.  The high road between Kâbal and Bamíân led through his territory, and had hitherto been a theatre for forays and depredations:  forays from the independent Hazáras of Shékh Alí, and depredations from the inhabitants of Bísút.  By the energetic measures of Mír Yezdânbaksh order was restored; the road became safe; the Hazáras of Shékh Alí dared not make their appearance, and the people of Bísút became as eager to show civility as they had been before to offend, while the single traveller passed as securely as if in company with a host.  To kâfilas the chief was particularly attentive, and merchants were diligent in spreading his praises and renown.  It was evident that a chief of superior ability had arisen among the Hazáras and he became an object of much attention both to the Shías and government of Kâbal;  the former congratulating themselves in having a potent ally in case of need, the latter apprehensive of  his views and of the effects of a consolidated authority in the Hazárajât.”

 

Masson: p 297:  “They have exceedingly multiplied, and become affluent, and, decidedly, are the most powerful and influential body in the city of Kâbal, of which they occupy one half, and exclusively the quarter called Chándol, which is fortified.  They occupy also many castles in the vicinity of the city.  An inextinguishable rancour is known to exist between the two leading sects of Máhomedanism, the Shía and the Súní, which, however for a while dormant, or concealed by consent of both, is ever ready to burst forth upon the most trivial occcasion…”

 

Masson: p 298:  “The Shias of Kâbal, aware of their constant exposure to conflict, and of the possibility of defeat, have endeavoured to provide for such a calamity by securing for themselves an asylum.  They have, therefore, turned their eyes upon Bísút, where the most wealthy of them have purchased castles and lands, and have, in fact, become joint proprietors of the soil with the Hazáras.  Prior to the sway of Mír Yezdânbaksh they possessed a paramount superiority in Bísút, arising not from power of force but from that of the influence which they possessed over the mírs, divided in councils and feeble in talents, and who were glad to avail themselves of their mediation and support in their domestic quarrels and transactions with the Afghân authorities.  Mír Yezdânbaksh, early made it apparent that he would allow no rival or controlling influence in Bísút, and even confiscated some estates of such Kâbal Shías who had favoured his opponents; and it became manifest to the remaider that to enjoy thier properties they must submit to conciliate the favour of the new chief.   . . . the daily increasing power of the Bisut mir was an universal subject of triumph and exaltation.”

[Were the shias of Kabul Qizilbash?]

 

Masson: p. 299:  There was a prepossession among the Shias of Kabul in favour of Dost Mahomed Khan, on account of his mother being a Kazzilbash [Qizilbash].  No doubt they principally contributed to his accession to power; and on attaining it he was assiduous in attention to them.

 

NB:  The events that follow took place in 1830-32.

 

Masson:  p300:  But Dost Mahomed Khan was uneasy: …

DEB, THIS PAGE AND THOSE THAT FOLLOW, DOWN TO P 315 CAN BE PHOTOCOPIED. 

 

Note to myself:  Note that in this period Mir Yazdanbakhsh was moving with his men — several hundreds at a time — all over Bamian, from Shibar to Bandi-Amir and in Saighan he took his men to challenge the mir of the area, Muhammad Ali Beg, who was an avowed enemy, and was frustrated that he and his men would not come out and fight.  He at one time possessed Bamian valley and thus caused anxiety among the Afghans.  Eventually he would be tricked into accepting hospitality that would cause his death, as Haji Khan had been seeking it all along, by trickery and promises of safety, etc.  The death of Yazdanbakhsh marked the end of the grand confederacy that intimidated everyone in the Hazarajat.  There were several notable shrines, ziarats, to which people visited.  BandiAmir was visted by Mir Yazdanbakhsh and his men; Birgilich was location of a Sayyed whose power was being challenged by the Sheikh Ali Hazaras because he was urging a raprochment with the Afghans; there were numerous less famous shrines mentioned by Masson, one in Jalrez area, one in Bamian, which was famous.  The point is that there were several notable Sayyeds, pirs; and a heirarchy of mirs, Mir Yazdanbakhsh being the most powerful, who subdued those who refused to give tribute and respect.  His home qal’â was in Kâzâr [sp?], where he had built an especially large qal’â.  He had “mirzâda” living in the area, descendants of his brother who lived nearby.

 

Bamian and Hazarajat before the Hazara Afghan War. 

 

Gazatteer pt. II p. vi.  Population (where?) is low because of devastation by war and disease; “Persian famine” of 1872 was severe in Herat and Afghan Turkestan, and was followed by severe outbreak of cholera–1871-3 was almost depopulated.

 

1880s, war against AR

Kakar 172:  The apparently quiet winter was followed by a stormy spring, when, some, if not all, the Hazaras resumed fighting.  This time the Hazaras of Koh-i-Baba area, where no garrison had been left, rose first [i.e. southern side of Koh-i-Baba].  …173…Soon, the initial success of he Hazaras in Deh Zangi in April was followed by a series of defeats in the Yakawlang to the west of Bamian by the Sipah Salar and in the Deh Zangi by General Amir Mohammad Kahn.  Perhaps the forces led by Ghulam Husayn, son of Mir Mohammad Amin of the Behsud, on the bank of the Helmand river between Deh Zangi and Behsud, where the Hazaras were routed leaving about 250 dead behind.  [They were subdued completely by September 1893.]

 

========================

 

M-29

Slave raiding and qalaas

Ismaili houses were sep awlis.  Awli=sep house.

Qalaa is an older form, from 20 years earlier, has several houses in it.

Even earlier:  Xaana-Otaaq= sep rooms

            Before the time of laki [i.e. before A.R assessed a penalty tax] , the Turkmaan from Bukhaaraa from around the Oxus river came and stole people and sold them.  This was why qalaas were built. They had lots of large horses, tied up their victims, put them on horses, carried them toward Bukhaaraa, to Turkistaan.  In those days the King of Bukhaara was weak and could not control these people.  We didn’t know what they did for a living, but were very cruel.  Many of the tictims got back.  But many also remained there and their descendenst are Turkmen, don’t know they are Hazara.

            When qalaas were built, then they couldn’t get in so easily.  Also the king became stronger in this area, so the Turkemn couldn’t come so easily.  This was in the time of Ser Ali Khaan.

 

8-76

An old man, Asnaashar, told me one of his ancestors, Tay M., was captured below the old Qalaa of Bulola in days when there were robbers in these parts.  They used to come horse back in scores — 200 or so.  they took Toy M. and when got up to place called Taataar and something else (near Duaab) and there he read the Shanaama so well they used him as a teacher.  Two years later let him go, gave him a horse to go on.

 

 

===========================

Gazatteer of Afghanistan: Part IV — Kabul. 4th edition, 1910.

 

(p.40)  [Concerning Shahidan and Shibartu] Mir Ata Beg is the headman of these two valleys.  The revenue is said to be 4,000 Kabuli rupees (all payable in cash?), of which Mir Ata Beg gets 15 tomans (300 Kabuli rupees) and 7 Kabuli kharwars of grain, etc.

 

PIR

 

Gazatteer of Afghanistan: Part IV — Kabul. 4th edition, 1910.

 

(p.40)  The Tajiks occupy the valley of Bamian proper, and the Saiyads are in close proximity.  The whole of the rest of Bamian is peopled by Hazâras.  . . . Jan Muhammad Khan, of Barikab near Ghazni, was Hakim of Bamian in 1885-86.

 

Gazatteer of Afghanistan: Part IV — Kabul. 4th edition, 1910.

 

(p.40)  Mulla Gadai and Mauladad Sultan were the heads of the Shahgum Beg Takanas of Karghanatu in 1885.  The revenue of Karghanatu is said to be 25 tomans (500 Kabuli rupees) in cash, and 30 (600 Kabuli rupees) in kind. [I presume that this information is based upon research or materials collected in 1885.]

 

Gazatteer of Afghanistan: Part IV — Kabul. 4th edition, 1910.

 

(p.41)  There are no troops in Bamian except 100 khasdadars; but according to Dafadar Shamshuddin Khan, who passed through in 1886, the Amir had ordered quarters for 12,000 men to be built (?) [There are now (1906) a battery of artillery and two companies of infantry quartered at Kala Sarkari, in addition to 300 khasadars.]  The roads from Bamian to Kabul have lately been greatly improved by Amir Abdur Rahman.

 

Gazatteer of Afghanistan: Part IV — Kabul. 4th edition, 1910.

 

(p.51)  The eastern end of the Bamian district is occupied by a tribe of Hazaras who originally lived in Besud, but about a hundred years ago [1810?] crossed the watershed and established themselves in their present location.  To the compiler [of this source] they spoke of themselves as Khatai, but Peacocke, who saw more of them, invariably calls them Darghan.  As a matter of fact, they are the Darghan branch of the Khatai tribe.  The Khatai Hazâras are one of the main or original divisions of the Hazâras, and the bulk of them, who are also called Babali, are adjacent to, or partly in, the Kandabar districts of Tirin and Dehrawat . . ..

The country of the Darghan or Khatai Hazaras principally consists of the large glens of Kalu, Irak, and Bulola, which lead up respectively to the Hajigak, Irak, and Shibar passes.  The two former lead to Kharzar in Besud and the main road from Kabul to Bamian now passes over the Hajigak although up to the end of 1886 it was by the Irak.  Both these roads are closed in winter, and the Shibar is then alone used.  Running east from the Shibar is the Dara Shaikh Ali, and north of the watershed of the Bulola glens is Jalmish, also inhabited by Shaikh Alis, so the Darghan Hazaras are to some extent interposed between two of the principal locations of that tribe.

 

Gazatteer of Afghanistan: Part IV — Kabul. 4th edition, 1910.

 

(p.42)  Kalbi Husain is chief of the whole [meaning Khatai or Darghan Hazaras of the Bamian district], and in the time of Sher Ali was responsible for the entire revenue of the sub-district.  But since Abdul Rahman became Amir, he has been deprived of authority over all but a small portion of his people.  He appears in fact to have only lower Kalu: Ghulam Haidar Khan has upper Kalu, while a majority of the whole tribe living in Bulola, Irak, etc., are under Sayad Baksh Khan.

 

Gazatteer of Afghanistan: Part IV — Kabul. 4th edition, 1910.

 

(p.54)

Bamian district, Khatai or Darghan Hazaras tribe, that is in Kalu, Irak, or Bulola and all east of the Bamian valley, are headed by Mir Kalbi Husain.

 

Polada tribe in Polada is headed by Mir Baba Beg, “but was in prison in Kabul in 1885-86.”

 

The mir of Shahidan is Mir Ata Beg.  He was head of both Shahidan and Shibartu in 1885-86.]

 

(p.55)  There were “Shadmarda Shaikh Alis in Jalmish.”

 

[These notes appear to have come from Maitlan and Talbot who visited Bamian in 1885]

 

[What is interesting is that the British have a lot to say about the tribes and about groups that they recognize as ethnic groups, but nothing to say about saints, that is, sayyads, who are of particular importance as central social figures.]

 

Gazatteer of Afghanistan: Part IV — Kabul. 4th edition, 1910.

 

(p.213)  The inhabitants of Jalmish and the Dahan-i-Jalmish are Shaikh Ali Hazaras of the Sad Marda section.  The main number of them live up the Dahan-i-Jalmish.  In 1886 they numbered over 1,000 families, though quite half as many more had recently emigrated on account of the locusts.

 

Gazatteer of Afghanistan: Part IV — Kabul. 4th edition, 1910.

(p.219)  The Dara Shumbal is an open roomy valley about 700 yards wide; its bed is level and well-cultivated and studded with villages.  It contains in all 11 villages, with 7 watermills and 270 families of Darghan Hazaras.

 

Gazatteer of Afghanistan: Part IV — Kabul. 4th edition, 1910.

 

(p.469)  The Shaikh Alis of Doshi, Khinjan, etc., also appear to have been given to plundering, and we noticed when passing through those districts in 1886 that [p.470] the name appeared to be as it were prescribed [do they mean proscribed?], all the Hazaras we met declining to allow they were Shaikh Alis, and calling themselves Khinjanis.  Since Abdur Rahman Khan’s accession, the Shaikh Alis, like other troublesome tribes, have been reduced to complete submission and made to pay revenue.

. . . It was the inaccessibility of their settlements on the Surkhab and the strength of their fastnesses in the glens of the Hindu Kush which enabled them for so long to carry on their evil practices.  Lately, that is during Ishak Khan’s rebellion of 1888, the Shaikh Alis made some sort of a rising.  It appears that Dilawar Khan, the Chief of Doab, declared for the Sardar, and induced the Shaikh Alis in his district to turn out.  The Amir on his way to Turkistan took the Surkhab route, and Dilawar Khan who had been taken prisoner, or surrendered himself, was put to death at Dasht-i-Safed.   Nothing was done to the Shaikh Alis, who had become quiet enough, but the Amir significantly remarked that he would deal with them when he returned.

 

Gazatteer of Afghanistan: Part IV — Kabul. 4th edition, 1910.

 

(p.472)  The people of the Dara Turkoman were originally Turkomans, refugees from their own country, but have long been settled in their present location.  They are so much intermarried and mixed with the Hazaras as to be themselves Hazaras to all intents and purposes.  And this was the case so far back as the time of Babar, who attacked and plundered the Turkoman Hazaras after crossing the Shibar pass on his winter march from Herat to Kabul (1506-07).

 

Gazatteer of Afghanistan: Part IV — Kabul. 4th edition, 1910.

 

(p.473)  From the Shibar Kotal westwards the country is occupied by the Darghan, or Khatai, Hazaras, who cover all the eastern part of Bamian, and will be found described under the head of “Bamian proper.”  These Darghan Hazaras extend up the Birgilich and other glens to the north watershed of the Dara Bulola, but beyond the watershed of the Shaikh Alis re-commence, and in particular occupy the Jalmish glen which runs west-northwest to the defiles of the Bamian stream locally known as the Aodara.

Jalmish itself is in the Aodara.   . . . above and below Dahan-i-Jalmish the Aodara is an impassable gorge, and without inhabitants as [p.474] far down as Baghak, where there are Tajiks.  . . . The people of Doab are Tatars, who are not exactly Hazaras, but closely akin.

. . . Four or five miles below Doab-i-Mekhzari the road on the left bank of the river (now become the Surkhab) crosses a couple of spurs by the Karimak Kotal.  Here Shaikh Alis re-commence and continue down the river to Doshi.  They also inhabit all the affluent glens on both sides.  But the Doab district ceases at Shutar Jangal . . .

 

Gazatteer of Afghanistan: Part IV — Kabul. 4th edition, 1910.

 

(p.475)  As before mentioned, it was these Shaikh Alis of the Surkhab who formerly plundered travellers on the Kara Kotal, and rendered the Bamian kafila route unsafe.  The Doab district in 1886 was under Dilawar Khan, the Tatar Chief of Doab-i-Shah Pasand.  He was put to death in 1889 for participating in Sardar Ishak Khan’s rebellion.  Ashraf Khan appears to have been local head of the Shaikh Alis, responsible to Dilawar Khan.  . . . the Shaikh Alis have been partially disarmed [as of 1889] . . .

According to Peacocke, the Shaikh Alis of the Surkhab are all Shiahs.  They are in fact followers of Aga Khan of Bombay, whose representative Saiyid Jafar, formerly resided among them; but he was imprisoned by Amir Abdur Rahman shortly after his accession, and sent to Mazar-i-Sharif, where is is said to have been still in confinement in 1886.

It is not known what revenue is paid by the Shaikh Alis of the Surkhab.  In the time of the Dilawar Khan, Chief of Doab, the revenue of his district was remitted–that is to say, he levied what he pleased for his own benefit, but it was less than the usual Government demand.

 

Gazatteer of Afghanistan: Part IV — Kabul. 4th edition, 1910.

 

(p.482)  “Shibar” is Uzbaki for mud, and “tu” is the possessive.

 

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People become Ismailis because they see values in the pir and they choose to follow him.  They see him as a greater help than the others.  (An Ismaili elder in Shibar)

 

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[Time frame:  recent, 1960s]

 

HISTORY OF ISMAILISM IN SHUMBUL

THE SPLIT 15 YEARS AGO — HISTORY AND CIRCUMSTANCES

 

(3-13) An Ismaili in Khurdakâ (which is split) said the Shi`as changed from Ismaili about 15 years ago.

 

1950-1954: Fight in Shumbul

(May ’69)       I remember Safar and Sardâr were shocked to see an Afghan break the fast in our house (1953 or 4), so must have kept fast then.  It was near this then (15 years ago) when Ismailism came out in the open and burnt zyârats.  Much trouble then. 

??(M96 “Mullahs of those zyârats were very strong/rich.”)  Then was secretly Ismaili and P.S. was only “Sayed-i Kayân.”  When came out in open war between the sects broke apart and as yet they have not fully relocated spatially.  Some were already [Ismailis], but others didn’t know they were Ismaili.

 

Gul Nazar yesterday (June 20, 1967) said a little more on the Ismaili trouble.  He said that there are three brothers sometime back — one was his grandfather,

I think — who shared as they should.  But when they died their families fought over the inheritance.  The result was that they split up — both spatially and religiously.  The three families went to three separate sects: Shi`a, Sunni, Ismaili.  One of these families was unable to get along in Shekh Ali because the others wouldn’t tolerate a Sunni.  So his family left and went to a Sunni community.  The Shias, I think, stayed.

            He said there was a serious fight in Bamyan twice, once about eight years ago (1959), once about 15 (1952).  They were between sects.

            Qurban (TB patient from Shumbul) said they had trouble about 12 years ago (1955).  He said at first they were known to be Isamili, but later admitted not so.  A sayed came in to teach them — upon pressing he admitted also to gathering khums — at the initiation of Wakil Sayb.  Wakil Sayb is and was then friendly with MGH and Qurban said he was a good man.  The Mullah was from Iraq.  Apparently, the first dispute over Ismailism was there.  Then, when he came there was an argument over who was the seventh (or eighth?) Imâm.  Some argued for Ismaili, thus revealing their true identity.  Thus, this percipitated the crisis.  The Mullah came to give them trouble over this issue. 

 

Khâk Gadâi

            Khâk Gadâi tells me that the Ismaili were there from a long time back, but that 15 or so years ago there was a big fight over it.  The people must have then learned their true loyalty.  There was a general (umumi) fight here in the valley.  People fought in the chamand below Pusht-i Mazâr.  The people of ??Bamian?? heard about it and were coming to help the Asnâashais when the women of Asnâashars came between both sides with Quran and stopped the fight.  Then there was peace but hostility for some time. 

            The P.S. paid off the Hâkim of Bamian with a horse and a horse to the main man of the Sayyeds, [Tâlib ??] in Birgilich, who was a big man.

            From that time Ismailis have had more freedom — been more open.  Now the king knows the P.S., so they are recognized now.  Since the fight, things got better between both sides.  At first they had nothing to do with each other, but terms got better.  They shared more and more. 

            Then last year at a wedding there was a big blow-up.  It was the son of Lâl M. who was marrying someone (who?) and the Ismailis — from Qalâ-y Mullah and Shakar etc. mainly claimed Lâl M. had thrown their food in the river and had not eaten it.  It was a lie (he says).  Apparently, everyone gives something to a wedding and these Ismailis [believed] their food was not used. 

 

            Now the Ismailis don’t have to pay for their wives, he said (Gadayi??), cause P.S. gave the order.  This is since he made his trip abroad.  Now they pay only 10 ser wheat, 5 ser rice and 2 kushlam (bara?).  Also they give the father of the woman a chapan, and the mother a chapan and shoes and a lungi.   (N.B.  This is from an Asna`ashar).  Now, he says, they are really free. 

N.B.  He is single, alone.  This system for him must have some appeal

 

(5-23)  Shâ Sayyid was the other mullah who got into an argument over beards with mulla Ramagan. 

 

 

[from Qorban?]

            The two mirs stopped the fight between the two sects by baring their heads and (with Qurans) walking between the two sides.  They argued that they would only kill each other and then  the government would jail the offenders — so there would be a double loss.  So they never really fought, he said.

            Gul Nazar said there was no single confrontation, but that each of the valleys had their own conflicts.

 

(8-79)  [MAABeg] He also admitted that until 15 years ago their identity as follwers of Aqâ khân was secret.

 

            Shia Mullah preaching they should have not Pulwân Shariki with Ismailis.

 

ORIGINAL QUARREL IN IRAQ between Ramazan and other Sayyed

[N.B.  These may also have been an implied disagreement over who should receive the Khums.]

 

After the Hazara /Afghan war, between 1880s – 1910

 

— Schism in Iraq

Pir — Social History

(8-41)  Mir Mir Ahmad said it was in his house that Mullah Ramazan and a Sayyed of Irâq were sitting when Mir asked the Sayyed why he wore a beard and the Mullah didn’t.  The Sayyed answered gently that a beard is really of no importance, but since the Prophet had one, he felt a beard was a good thing, so he had one.  Then the Mir asked Ramazan why he didn’t.  Ramazan answered in an unusually harsh way for him.  He said he didn’t believe in that stuff and as far as he was concerned, anyone who wore a beard was the same as a Hindu.  Then the fight exploded.  The Mir Arbâb Kabir remembered this as being 12 or 10 years ago (i.e. 1955 or 1957). 

            The trouble spread fast all over and people were upset and up in arms all over.  An ayat [commission] was sent from Bamyan.  People gathered in Shumbul over this thing.  Mir Mir Ahmad represented Ramazan.  With him came 1200 men to Shumbul.  A lot came on behalf of the Sayyed.  They were all ready to fight, the dân of Shumbul was crammed full.  So Mir Mir Ahmad made — with difficulty — all his men go to Iljânak to wait for him.  He went back alone to Shumbul and there he and MGH and Mullah Ibrahim sat down with Hâji Wakil, Sayyed Tâlib, and ______?, and the ayat and the alagdâr.  There they had a lot of talking and arguing over this issue (and over their loyalties?) and eventually they settled it.  Paid out 6000 afs to the officials.  (To the asnâsar?, alaqadar?)  When it was quieted the men in Iljânak were sent home.  But apparently Ramazan stayed in Shumbul and taught.

            The issue seemed to be over two issues, the wearing of beards and the veneration of zyârats — a point Ramazan brought up later.  It is not clear what the sequence was, but over this eventually the Ismailis burned up one zyârat (the one behind Jamili?).  Over this issue many people were split.  Brothers split over this, even between husband and wife there was sometimes trouble over this.  The ceasing to intermarry was started or completely done then, etc.  Now things are better the Mir says. 

 

 

 [NOTES ON PIRS, FROM INFORMANTS]

            As for the gifts themselves, it is said that to this very day that for Allah’s help in a particular crisis or as an expression of highest reverence towards a holy man, one made a gift of one’s own daughter, in additon to material assets.  The holy man collects thereby the sole right to dispose of the girl; he either married her himself or gave her to one of his supporters as a wife. 

            Worship and devotion towards a leader, and the other members of the Kayhan family are said to show extreme forms.  The leader is said to have had the “ius primae noctis”;  defloration gives the girl barakat;  there is said to have been mass slaughter of cattle so that the blood could clean the path for the saint, and his support could be demonstrated, and so on.

            Another way of showing one’s deep reverence is unpaid labour on the landed property of the holy man, which tends to be of considerable size not least . . . [this is from Einzman p 26-7]

 

SCANDALOUS STORIES

            Because a “saint’s” miracle signs are so crucial to his renown, it is widely believed that some saints use fraudulent means to project an image of miraculous generousity.  The following story is told with varying permutations by people about “saints” whose claims to sainthood they scout.

 

FRAUDULENT TECHNIQUES

            The pir arranges for each of his servants the name of a type of object that may be given by his murid — a cow, a rug, etc.  Then when a man comes, intending to bring a rug to the pir, even before bringing it in, as he goes in to see the pir, the servan who has been given the name for this — for example, “carpet” — is the one who accompanies the visitor.  The pir then knows what is being brought, and he says, “Thank you for bringing the carpet,” even before being shown it.  (A Sunni man from Kabul.)

 

            People say that the pir sahib of the Ismailis gives names to his servants to identify what needs his murid have.  Then at certain times he sits under a cloth chanting and his sevants bring people to him.  When he brings them in and asks who it is, a certain servant says who it is and the pir sahib then knows from the servant what kind of thing they want.  And he says, “Oh yes, — is sick, or needs a male child, etc.  Tell them to come here that I may blow a blessing upon them.”  People are so surprised by his supernatural powers that they will empty their pockets to him.  (A Sunni from Kabul)

 

OUT-MYTHS vs. OTHER PIRS

            He said they came to know that the other people were Ismailis when the sons of P.S. came here and stayed in the house of Mullâ Gholam Reza.  Then they knew.  He denied that they had fought over this, but said after that they wouldn’t have anything to do with them any more — won’t marry them now.  He won’t eat with them now because he thinks he will get sick from it because of this religion.  He says it is no religion at all.  They call P.S. a prophet — and what does he do?  He should change this wall to gold or something to show this.  The P.S. only collects money for himself.  He should at least have some school or some giving to Faqirs, but he only takes from his poor people and collects for himself — he says.

 

The khalifa in Turughman was Mansur and he was trying to start trouble between the sects in order to increase Ismailism.  But the pir sahib finally didn’t like it, and he changed him.  The people argued on Mansur’s behalf, and told the pir sahib they wanted only him.  The pir sahib said that he was not soliciting followers, if they wanted him, Mansur would have to go.  They took Mansur.  (Ismaili elder from Turughman.)

 

 

            Mauucher expressed feeling against P.S.’s teaching to Saka.  Seemed to be leaning toward Sunni (i.e. Saka — gov’t)

            P.S. family had caught three people of Mauucher’s group near Tâla o Barfak, they were from Turughman, where they were for Manucher and accused them of wanting to murder the P.S.  One of them was named Nabi and he was poisoned.  But he lived and Saka secretly sent them to Turughman.

 

Conversion

 

Manucher a months ago said that he is now Sunni.

Manucher a months ago said that he is now Sunni.Manucher a months ago said that he is now Sunni.  He told the inspector Assadullah, a colonel, that he is Sunni.  And, so the inspector is working hard for him.  He is following the commission carefully, but the commission won’t let an Ismaili be near them.

 

The Eshan of Puli Kumri gave his daughter in marriage to Manuchur.  After Manuchur and Mansur became at odds with the pir sahib.  He married her about a year ago, and now Manuchur claims to have become a Sunni.

 

People who used to follow the pir sahib, but they have become angry with him and are trying to reveal all that he has done.  They say many things against him.  They refer to certain lines in his books as evidence that he is not a Muslim.  There are some Ismailis remaining among them. (A Sunni government official)

 

In Sanglaq near Logar, there are some people who used to follow the pir sahib, but they have become angry with him and are trying to reveal all that he has done.  They say many things against him.  They refer to certain lines in his books as evidence that he is not a Muslim.  There are some Ismailis remaining among them.  (A Sunni government official)

 

Marxist young man in Bamian, emerging crisis

Sultan [urbanized young man] crticized pirs, etc. for robbing the people.  Only the ignorant really follow them [he said].  [Hashem criticized him for being too progressive.]  [He is the one who asked me if I knew the famoust Communist young man who was later killed in Kabul; I would now wonder if he was a Maoist.]  [NB doubt about pirs related to urban experience.

 

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Saka: People give gifts of their children to the P.S.  The general fight

The general fight was about 20 years ago.  People were Ismailis secretly before that because they were weak.  They intermarried freely among themselves, but the Shi’ites didn’t know about this.  The Ismaili women who married Shi’ite men taught their children the Ismaili viewpoint secretly.  But then the general fight occurred in Turughman because they were discovered to be Ismailis, and some of the women went away from their husbands.  There was a lot of trouble for Ismailis in Turughman because there are only a few of them and there are many Shi’ites against them.  So, they are troubled a lot.  The Ismailis in the provinces always suffer more than in the cities because the people in the provinces can make trouble with the government for them.  They can make a complaint against them and if it’s strong enough, they can force them out.  (An Ismaili mature man from Turughman)

 

Shia-Ismaili Relations in Shibar/Shumbal

We came to know that those other people are Ismailies because one of the sons of the Ismaili pir came here and stayed in the house of mullah G–.  Then we knew.  After that we wouldn’t have anything to do with them anymore.  We don’t marry them anymore, and we don’t even eat with them now because we’re afraid we’ll get sick from it because of this religion.  In fact, it’s no religion at all.  They call the pir sahib a prophet.  And what does he do?  He should change the wall to gold or something to show this.  But he only collects money for himself.  He should at least have some school or some plan for giving to the poor, but he only takes from his poor people and collects the money for himself.  (An Imami elder in Shibar)

 

 

Xaak Gadaai tells me that the Ismailis were that a long time back, but that 15 or so years ago there was a big fight over it.  The people must have then learned their true loyalty.  There was a general (umumi) fight here in the valley.  People fought in the chamand (grass land) below  Pushti-Mazar.  The people of Bamian heard about it and were coming to help the asnâshars (Imamis) when the women of the asnâshars (the Imamis) came between both sides with Quran [on their heads] and stopped the fight.  Then there was peace, but hostility for some time.

 

The Ismaili pir paid off the governor of Bamian with a horse and a horse to the main man of sayeds of Bergelich who was a big [prominent] man.  Since that time, Ismailis have been more open.  Now the King knows the pir sahib so they are recognized.  Since the fight, things got better between both sides.  At first they had nothing to do with each other, but times got better and they shared more and more. 

 

[Their beliefs about God’s blessing are very strong.  Quântori [Qurankhori??] is a secular belief. ??[[check this] ]

 

Then last year at a wedding there was a big blow-up.  It was the son of Laal Muhammad who was marrying someone (who?) and the Ismailis — from q. of mullâ and shakar etc. mainly — claimed Lâl M. had thrown their food into the river and had not eaten it.  It was a lie (he says).  Apparently, everyone gives something to a wedding and these Ismailis claimed their food wasn’t used.  (an Imami poor man in Shibar)

 

Now the Ismailis don’t have to pay for their wives, he said (Gada’i), because P.S. gave the order.  This is since he made his trip abroad.  Now they pay only 10 ser wheat, 5 ser rice and 2 kushtani (bara? 

 

).  Also, they give F of the bride a chapan, and the M a chapan and shoes and a lungi [Mother?].  (NB.  This is from an asnâshar).  Now, he says, they are really free.  NB:  he is single, alone.  This system for him must have some appeal.

 

(Rise of Ismailism)

Note on the family of xudâdad in Xordagaa of Shumbull.

 

“In Xordagâ there are 10 – 12 Asnâshar houses and 8 Ismayla houses.

Note on the family of xudâdad in Xadaga of Shumbull.

“In Xardagâ there are 10 – 12 Asnâshar houses and 8 Ismayla houses.”In Xardagâ there are 10 – 12 Asnâshar houses and 8 Ismayla houses.  These are all related.  The Asnâshar changed from Ismailia about 15 years ago. 

 

Mir Nasir of Kalu said [(7-19) Kalu]:

 

Maybe 30 years ago the differences between Ism. and Asnâshar became emphasized and inter-marriage stopped.

 

MGH 6. (in Clan & Sect. Dist.)

 

Re: the sects (Imamis vs. Ismailis):  “Now each side is firm.  Neither side can change.  Each year sometimes a few change from Asnâshar to Ismailia, but not otherwise.

 

Birgilic

When the Sayyeds separated themselves from the Ismailis they became separate themselves from the people of Birgilich.  After that all their work [political affairs] became separate.  (Earlier he said, “The Sayyeds had their own arbâb”, i.e., change took place during time of or before time of Mir Murad Ali).  Then the Khalifa was Mubârak Shah . . . after he killed that man.

 

Pir/schism 202

Gul Nazar yesterday (June 20 ’67) said a little more on the Ismaili trouble.  He said that there were 3 brothers some time back — one was his GF, I think — who shared as they should.  But when they died, their families fought over the inheritance.  The result was that they split up — both spatially and religiously.  The 3 families went to three separate sects — Shia, Sunni, Ismaili.  One of these families was unable to get along in Shex Ali because the others wouldn’t tolerate a Sunni, so his family left and went to Sunni community.  The Shias, I think, stayed.

 

How conversion is impossible.

 

Fission-Schism (Hashem 4, Quchangi)

 

If Hakim (my B) becomes asnâshar, then I (Hasham) and F. would be mad.  Others would not let him in their houses.

 

QN 42: If a man changes from one sect, he does not change from Shiite to Sunni or Sunni to Shiite.  He can become Kafer/infidel, but he cannot become any other sect.

 

MGH 174.  Schism

A person can’t change his religion — never.  The Qaazi would be unhappy — no one could ever do this — also PS and mullaa couldn’t accept it.  People would give him reproach [taana], would say you are a din-gashta.  It is not really feasible to change from one sect to another.  A person can’t really get free from his sect.  Suppose he should say something unfriendly, and wouldn’t be nice to me, or should not do maraa’at (show respect, consideration) with me, then I would really be arzuda at him, angry at him.  Then I would have to go.  If he looked bad upon me and wouldn’t allow me to come before him, then I would have to go.  Anger is an easy thing.  Can tell the servant to put someone out.  Suppose that one day you get up to find for yourself a friend.  In a whole year you couldn’t find a friend.  If you fight with everybody in one day, you can become the enemy of everyone.  It is this way.

 

Sunni > Shia in Gazetter of Kabul p 304

Kuchari (tribe of Kizilbash) — were Sunni but became Shiah upon arrival in Kabul (from Iran). [p. 304] [NB this is strange, since the Q. were

Gazatteer of Afghanistan: Part IV — Kabul

 

 

 

 

KALU SUB-DISTRICT

(p.39)  Mir Kalbi Husain, Mirdad Khatai, is chief of the whole clan, and originally the entire revenue of the sub-district was paid through him.  Since the accession of Amir Abdur Rahman, however, Irak and Shibar (or Bulola), with Birgilich and Jolah, have been removed from his jurisdiction, and now pay their revenue direct to the Hakim of Bamian.

 

My father died fairly early and his other two brothers are no longer Ismailis.  My father and father’s father were Ismailis, but the other two sons were not.  They became Shi’ite by marrying with Shi’ite women.  My father was alive and wanted to marry but not when the other married.  now they don’t have much to do with me.  But my father’s brother’s son came and asked for my daughter, but because of the difference in religion, we refused.  since the general fight in Turughman, we do not intermarry.  (An Ismaili elder from Turughman)

 

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article

1. Ahmad (Toronto), “Conversions to Islam in the Valley of Kashmir”; Central Asiatic Journal; 23:p. 3-18 (1979)

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malik, schism, Q. conflict

            Malek Ali Yawar [an arbaab] said that some of the followings of different maleks change.  One family will shift to another and back and forth.  So his following is different somewhat from year to year.

            A malek [arbaab] must be rich, must be son of a malek, he said, must have a qawm (!), (i.e., a solid following in his own qawm, I think).

            A man may change maleks at a time when he has a dispute with another person in the qawm following the same malek.  When the malek takes the other side, the man may decide to go to another malek to get help.  The situation was specifically described as between brothers in a dispute.  One brother will split off and go to another malek.  As the result of these moves, though his following is localized in one area — there are some who go to another malek.  But in such cases, they are socially quite at odds with another and socially split off from the other, also the malek.

            The two maleks involved are put at odds and the feelings over this split — between the maleks and between the fighting [opposing] parties can be very strong.

            The importance of his father’s name as a malek contributes a lot to the strength of a malek (Ali Yawar)

 

If H & W live with his F or B’s, they don’t talk much.  In this case, women and men sit separately and talk.  If they have money a H & W may move to a place of their own, and then they talk among themselves more.

 

————————-

Situation in 1950s-1960s, muhtasib

(people said):  Because the former Khasib – Khatibs [???] were from the area they didn’t give people much trouble, but now the muhtasib (who is from another area) is doing this [same work??] and he gives the people a lot of trouble.

 ==================

Here begins the Bamian political history file

MGH 46

Contemp hist, sunbul, ethnic groups

The Q of maamand were kochis in Shumbul, but were settled on the land of the Xalifa.  the land also of 300-500 houses also in Burma, a large place in the area of Day Mirak.  Then they threw them out of this area, only a few Maamad houses [were] left there.  Then Maamand went to Aybak, near Tashqurghan and near Day Mirak [Day Mirdad?].

X Kalbisha’s grandfather was himself from Sanglaaxt-i Besut.

The people of Burma asked for the king to help them also.  When the Maamands went to Aybak, the inhabitants were also Afghans of Q Maamand, so they were able to stay.

Earlier Wazir M. Gul had given land to the Maamands in both Aybak and Burma [Barimak?], but in Burma the Hazaras had revolted and fought back.  so it was necessary for all the Maamands to to to Aybak.

 

[Arbab Kabir?]

8-22

            Mir Kabir-i Mir M. Nasim (Bulola)-i Mir Ghoam Ali Beg (Bulola)(he built this memaan khaana; he was mir of all Shibar)-i Mir Gorz Ali (was in Bulola, over all of Shibar)-i Osayn Baay (he was not a mir but was very rich)-i Paynda Qadam Beg (was in Bulola)-i Jumaa Baay (he was the father of all this Qawm (aashur).

            Osayn Baay had 7 Sons, all but one of whom cheated and mistreated their father and did not respect his last-dying prayer … These have no offspring at all and the land is scattered to others.  Mir Gorz Ali was the only one who cared for the father.  Was Mir.

 

            Mir Gorz Ali: Bulola, Jola, Shumbul, Shibar, Birgilich, Jawzaar, Iraaq.  Mir of Kalu was Mir Abbas and Mir Zafar was in this time.

Mir Gholam Ali Beg: in the time of Abdul Rahman and Habibullah.  They paid maaliya.  He was over all of Shibar from Iraaq to Sar-i Shibar.  In that time Mir Bakhtiari was Mir of Kalu.

            Mir M. Nasim.  died early and the wife (d. of Bakhtiyari) went back to her home.  Arbaab Kabir was 5 when she went back to kalu and lived there for 16 years.  he came back to Bulola one year before Saqaw [1929].  His land was here.  He came when Bakhtiyari died; otherwise the FF [nb. not Bakhtiari] would not have allowed him to come back.  [because there was aproblem between the ff and Bakhtiari?].

            After Mir M. Nasim, his B was the mir.  Mir Amad Ali Beg was [mir] for 8-10- 12 years.  All of shibar was under him.  He was staying in Bulola in his Brother’s house [i.e. Mir M. Nasim’s house]  (the Qalaa was made by Juma Baay.  In this time Mir Sultan Ali (Son of Baktyaari) was mir.  (In those days Paay Murid to kaalu was the area of Kaalu Mir [i.e. was locationof Sultan Ali?].

            When Arbaab Kabir came to Bulola, Mir Ahmad Ali Beg went to iraq to take his land [which was] left him by his F (who had land in Iraq too) and went there.  Kabir came to Bulola.

            Below Mir Ahmad Ali Beeg there were MuySafeds over ea. qaria

The FF of MAJ was over Q. aadil.  Arbaab Ali Bakhsh [was] over Q. ayaam.

Mir M. Osayn over Shunbul; and later Mir Mowladad.  He [Osayn] was awdur baaca of MGH.

            All of Shibar is from one father, Baaba Darghu (except Jolaa) and Kaalu is from him too.  One S. went o Shibar (to Daaki), one S was in Kalu (f of Nasir) and one s was in Iraq (kona qalaa).

            Another child was born to Darghu and he called him Shaak (the Q. of Birgalich).  Another S, Aram Sha, his descendants are gone.

In Daaki, Shex M. was the son.

            Xida was in Shumbul, Iraaq, Bulola.  In Kalu was another (name?)

People of Julaa came in later, are not related to Darghu.

            The Sayyeds of Birgalich came in at some time, but not related.  Are in Jawzaar (6hhs), Byaamurda (7-8 hhs), Birgilich (20hh), Shumbul (10hh), Iraq, Shikaari, a few in Kaalu (in Dasht-i Tajak).

            Juma Baay (Bulola) was of Aashur-i Khida-i Baaba Darghu (Darghaan), and he came from Kandahar.

            In time they first came to Shibar they were at odds with Uzbeks.  Each Qalaa had its own well.

            All of Shibar [was] 100 hh; Kaalu-Paymuri 1000.

            Mir Murad Ali of Birgalich; he was mir of all Shibar.  Before Mir Gurz Ali [the mir] was Ikhtiyar (of Shumbul) then Mir Muraad Ali was mir.  they he retired in favor of Mir Gh Ali Beg (of Bulola).  The change came becasue the mir Murad Ali could not do something with government, so people let him go and took Mir Gh ali Beeg.  In those days [mirs?] were very rich because each hh gave one ser roghan (1000 hhs) [rent, dues to the mir].  (In Kaalu there were 700 hhs.)  [NB the diff way they were paid then than now — in animal products]

            In the time of Ikhtiyaar:  Mir Abbas was Kaalu and was over both Kaalu and Shibar, but was very cruel and they killed him.  In those days 1 rupa was worth 25 ser wheat and he levied 100,000 afs maalya [dues] on the people.

            NB on a stone written, “I have two wives, one rupa is worth 12 ser wheat.”

            People of Pay Muri are children of Mir Abbas.  [Mir Zafar came earlier (was in Kalu) in Daan-i gargara/yargara.  That is:  Mir Zafar [in Kalu]; then Mir Abbas [Paymurid, where his “children” still reside]; then Mir Gholam Haydar [Kalu]; then Mir Bakhtiyari [Kalu].

 

 ———–

 

[Arbab Kabir?]

8-22

            Mir Kabir-i Mir M. Nasim (Bulola)-i Mir Ghoam Ali Beg (Bulola)(he built this memaan khaana; he was mir of all Shibar)-i Mir Gorz Ali (was in Bulola, over all of Shibar)-i Osayn Baay (he was not a mir but was very rich)-i Paynda Qadam Beg (was in Bulola)-i Jumaa Baay (he was the father of all this Qawm (aashur).

            Osayn Baay had 7 Sons, all but one of whom cheated and mistreated their father and did not respect his last-dying prayer … These have no offspring at all and the land is scattered to others.  Mir Gorz Ali was the only one who cared for the father.  Was Mir.

 

            Mir Gorz Ali: Bulola, Jola, Shumbul, Shibar, Birgilich, Jawzaar, Iraaq.  Mir of Kalu was Mir Abbas and Mir Zafar was in this time.

Mir Gholam Ali Beg: in the time of Abdul Rahman and Habibullah.  They paid maaliya.  He was over all of Shibar from Iraaq to Sar-i Shibar.  In that time Mir Bakhtiari was Mir of Kalu.

            Mir M. Nasim.  died early and the wife (d. of Bakhtiyari) went back to her home.  Arbaab Kabir was 5 when she went back to kalu and lived there for 16 years.  he came back to Bulola one year before Saqaw [1929].  His land was here.  He came when Bakhtiyari died; otherwise the FF [nb. not Bakhtiari] would not have allowed him to come back.  [because there was aproblem between the ff and Bakhtiari?].

            After Mir M. Nasim, his B was the mir.  Mir Amad Ali Beg was [mir] for 8-10- 12 years.  All of shibar was under him.  He was staying in Bulola in his Brother’s house [i.e. Mir M. Nasim’s house]  (the Qalaa was made by Juma Baay.  In this time Mir Sultan Ali (Son of Baktyaari) was mir.  (In those days Paay Murid to kaalu was the area of Kaalu Mir [i.e. was locationof Sultan Ali?].

            When Arbaab Kabir came to Bulola, Mir Ahmad Ali Beg went to iraq to take his land [which was] left him by his F (who had land in Iraq too) and went there.  Kabir came to Bulola.

            Below Mir Ahmad Ali Beeg there were MuySafeds over ea. qaria

The FF of MAJ was over Q. aadil.  Arbaab Ali Bakhsh [was] over Q. ayaam.

Mir M. Osayn over Shunbul; and later Mir Mowladad.  He [Osayn] was awdur baaca of MGH.

            All of Shibar is from one father, Baaba Darghu (except Jolaa) and Kaalu is from him too.  One S. went o Shibar (to Daaki), one S was in Kalu (f of Nasir) and one s was in Iraq (kona qalaa).

            Another child was born to Darghu and he called him Shaak (the Q. of Birgalich).  Another S, Aram Sha, his descendants are gone.

In Daaki, Shex M. was the son.

            Xida was in Shumbul, Iraaq, Bulola.  In Kalu was another (name?)

People of Julaa came in later, are not related to Darghu.

            The Sayyeds of Birgalich came in at some time, but not related.  Are in Jawzaar (6hhs), Byaamurda (7-8 hhs), Birgilich (20hh), Shumbul (10hh), Iraq, Shikaari, a few in Kaalu (in Dasht-i Tajak).

            Juma Baay (Bulola) was of Aashur-i Khida-i Baaba Darghu (Darghaan), and he came from Kandahar.

            In time they first came to Shibar they were at odds with Uzbeks.  Each Qalaa had its own well.

            All of Shibar [was] 100 hh; Kaalu-Paymuri 1000.

            Mir Murad Ali of Birgalich; he was mir of all Shibar.  Before Mir Gurz Ali [the mir] was Ikhtiyar (of Shumbul) then Mir Muraad Ali was mir.  they he retired in favor of Mir Gh Ali Beg (of Bulola).  The change came becasue the mir Murad Ali could not do something with government, so people let him go and took Mir Gh ali Beeg.  In those days [mirs?] were very rich because each hh gave one ser roghan (1000 hhs) [rent, dues to the mir].  (In Kaalu there were 700 hhs.)  [NB the diff way they were paid then than now — in animal products]

            In the time of Ikhtiyaar:  Mir Abbas was Kaalu and was over both Kaalu and Shibar, but was very cruel and they killed him.  In those days 1 rupa was worth 25 ser wheat and he levied 100,000 afs maalya [dues] on the people.

            NB on a stone written, “I have two wives, one rupa is worth 12 ser wheat.”

            People of Pay Muri are children of Mir Abbas.  [Mir Zafar came earlier (was in Kalu) in Daan-i gargara/yargara.  That is:  Mir Zafar [in Kalu]; then Mir Abbas [Paymurid, where his “children” still reside]; then Mir Gholam Haydar [Kalu]; then Mir Bakhtiyari [Kalu].

—-

M-29

Slave raiding and qalaas

Ismaili houses were sep awlis.  Awli=sep house.

Qalaa is an older form, from 20 years earlier, has several houses in it.

Even earlier:  Xaana-Otaaq= sep rooms

            Before the time of laki, the Turkmaan from Bukhaaraa from around the Oxus river came and stole people and sold them.  This was shy qalaas were built.  They had lots of large horses, tied up their victims, put them on hourses, carried them toward Bukhaaraa, to Turkistaan.  In those days the King of Bukhaara was weak and could not control these people.  We didn’t know what they did for a living, but were very cruel.  Many of the tictims got back.  But many also remained there and their descendenst are Turkmen, don’t know they are Hazara.

            When qalaas were built, then they couldn’t get in so easily.  Also the king became stronger in this area, so the Turkemn couldn’t come so easily.  This was in the time of Ser Ali Khaan.

8-76

An old man, Asnaashar, told me one of his ancestors, Tay M., was captured below the old Qalaa of Bulola in days when there were robbers in these parts.  They used to come horse back in scores — 200 or so.  they took Toy M. and when got up to place called Taataar and something else (near Duaab) and there he read the Shanaama so well they used him as a teacher.  Two years later let him go, gave him a horse to go on.

p 200

Gul Nazar.  May, 1967

The following are brother groups:

1. Darghaan/Darghu: This is those on the upper side of the pass, Shibar.
2. Day Kalu [day Kalaan]: these people are scattered, are in Buyaan, Sakpar, Daan-i Kajak, Qool-i Kajak, Dasht-i Xagak, beet, Kootak, Jarf, Nirx, Pawaaz, Jagalak, Durwaaz (these are all in Shekh Ali).
3. Karmali: these are in Sang Andaab and Shingiraan, Pay Kootal (a few), Sar-i Bootyaan.
4. Qaluq: these are below Daan-i Shingaraan to Duaab-i Shekh Ali, Loolinj, Cukuma, Qool-i Xool, Taxt, Sorx, Paarsaal (Surkh o Parsal).
5. Xida = Naymu: Naymaan are in Ghorbandak (next to Shibar pass), Betqool, Kharjuy, Noolangak, Xarbeetak, Oolangajaangul, Bini Sewak.

NB:  MGH says Darghan is the Fa of Khida.

—–

M81

Mir Aminuddin Ansari.  He may be a descendant of Abdulla-i Ansar, whom Mir Ghulam Hasan claims descent from.  Was born in Kandahar, went to Herat.  The ancestors of Darghan (F of Khida) were from Pusht-i Rod-i Qandahar, same as Ansaari.  They are sometimes called children of Ansaar.  In this place is a large juy — nahar-made by these people.  Is now ruid.  now when people try to researrect it, they die in large numbers, maybe someon prayed a curse on the area.  Maybe it belonged to the sons of Darghan.  All Hazaras are from Khoja Abdul-i Ansaar.

———————————————

Mir hist; mir and alaqadar

8-61:  Mir hist

Naayeblukma:  the old large governships in the dayd of Haakim in Bamian

sekot= before AR, 1/3 of crops

Under AR:  maalya:  Shibar 5,000

                        : Kalu, 11,000

                        :???

Under Zaher Shah:  3 years ago [1964], Shibar 22,000

                                                Kalu, 14,000

Shibar has 4200 men now [1967]; Kalu and Ghandak 3800 men now [population]

In time of :     The mir was:

Dost M Khan Mir Zafar

Sher Ali Khan           Mir Akbar

A.R                 Mir Ghulam Haydar, Sher Ali, Beeg, Mir Bakhtiyari

 

p 200

Gul Nazar.  May, 1967

The following are brother groups:

1. Darghaan/Darghu: This is those on the upper side of the pass, Shibar.
2. Day Kalu [day Kalaan]: these people are scattered, are in Buyaan, Sakpar, Daan-i Kajak, Qool-i Kajak, Dasht-i Xagak, beet, Kootak, Jarf, Nirx, Pawaaz, Jagalak, Durwaaz (these are all in Shekh Ali).
3. Karmali: these are in Sang Andaab and Shingiraan, Pay Kootal (a few), Sar-i Bootyaan.
4. Qaluq: these are below Daan-i Shingaraan to Duaab-i Shekh Ali, Loolinj, Cukuma, Qool-i Xool, Taxt, Sorx, Paarsaal (Surkh o Parsal).
5. Xida = Naymu: Naymaan are in Ghorbandak (next to Shibar pass), Betqool, Kharjuy, Noolangak, Xarbeetak, Oolangajaangul, Bini Sewak.

NB:  MGH says Darghan is the Fa of Khida.

 

—–

M81

Mir Aminuddin Ansari.  He may be a descendant of Abdulla-i Ansar, whom Mir Ghulam Hasan claims descent from.  Was born in Kandahar, went to Herat.  The ancestors of Darghan (F of Khida) were from Pusht-i Rod-i Qandahar, same as Ansaari.  They are sometimes called children of Ansaar.  In this place is a large juy — nahar-made by these people.  Is now ruid.  now when people try to researrect it, they die in large numbers, maybe someon prayed a curse on the area.  Maybe it belonged to the sons of Darghan.  All Hazaras are from Khoja Abdul-i Ansaar.

 

—————–

Mir hist; mir and alaqadar

8-61:  Mir hist

Naayeblukma:  the old large governships in the dayd of Haakim in Bamian

sekot= before AR, 1/3 of crops

Under AR:  maalya:  Shibar 5,000

                        : Kalu, 11,000

                        :???

Under Zaher Shah:  3 years ago [1964], Shibar 22,000

                                                Kalu, 14,000

Shibar has 4200 men now [1967]; Kalu and Ghandak 3800 men now [population]

In time of :     The mir was:

Dost M Khan Mir Zafar

Sher Ali Khan           Mir Akbar

 

 Kalu

CONTEMPORARY SITUATIONS

Gilkârs:  2 (for Ismailis)

                                    Ghojurak

                                    Iljânak

            1 in Joolâ (for Asnâshars)

 

SCHISM

            Boy in Bulola explained that Ismailis and Asnâshars don’t speak to each other — as I observed also.  “They are very chop with us.”  This has been for 10-15-20 years.

 

(8-69) NB.  The eating patterns separating the sects keep fellowship at a minimum.  Meals in which people eat at each others’ houses became communication centers for people — but centers which have limited lines across the sects.  Relatives and ampirâ stay in each others houses when they move around for economic purposes.  Man from Kâlu working for wheat stayed at house of Mir âmad Ali Beg — because same sect.  In this way they learn about each others’ relatives and sectarian arguments, and news about the P.S., etc. 

            The relations with the asnâshars are not good.  If they want to borrow from them, they would send away and tell them to go to their own kind.

 

SPATIAL PATTERNS OF PIRS/??MORIDS?? IN BAMIAN

            Those of us in this village see the pir of Paghman as the great pir.  In some other villages around here, people believe in the pir of Logar (a moderately well educated man in Bamian.)

           

            In Ghandak,  In Ghandak, the people are Tajik, but there are no Tajiks in Shibar.  But the pir of the Tajiks is the Hazrat.  The Pushtuns have Aakhundzâda.  They are like the sayyeds.  They are godly and knowledgable. (Ismaili elder in Shibar.)

           

            The pir of Ahangaran, Topchi Mulayan, and Taybuti live in Istalif.  He is an âlem.   All these places are Tajik places. (notes from conversation with Tajiks in Bamian.)

                                                                                                                        Besides the Hazaras, there are some [Ismaili] goldsmiths from the eastern province and some Hindus and some Tajiks. (notes from conversations with Ismailis.)

           

            The iron workers  are Arabs but they are not Sayyed.  Usually they are only artisans.  They are Ismaili in Iraq, Shumbul, Daki, Birgilich and Sheikh Ali.  The are Imamis in Jola and Ghulam Ali. (notes on a conversation with an elder in Shibar.)

 

=== RLC checked it to here ==

 

Early 1900s

Ismaili advance in Bamian / Shibar in 19th / 20th c

See also: /projects/pir2/s4birth

{{/Projects/pir/excerpt [down to “five years later”]

Sayyed Nadir was born in a turbulent time.  The second Anglo-Afghan war had occurred only ten years before his birth and at its end in 1879 the Amir of Kabul, Yaqub Khan, had signed a humiliating treaty with the British.  Within four months the British envoy in Kabul had been assassinated and British troops invaded again.  In Kabul they demolished the historic citadel where the assassination had taken place, and accepted the Yaqub’s resignation.  As they withdrew the new Amir, Abdul Rahman, to acceeded to power in July of 1880.  His capital was in ruins and the countryside had dissolved into dozens of autonomous feudalities.  The new Amir soon was engaged over a series of risings in the eastern provinces, the most serious in 1886-1887 when the Ghilzais rebelled under the headship of a famous religious leader known as Mullah Mushk-i Alam.  Scarcely had that revolt been put down when the Shenwaris and Safays rose; the Shinwaris would not be finally subdued until 1892.  But there were distractions all through this period in the east-central region of Afghanistan where Sayyed Nadir was to be born.  In three successive years, 1881, 1882, and 1883, the Amir had to send military excursions into the Sheikh Ali territories — which extended between the Turkman valley to as far north as Doshi and may have included Kayan (Maitland n.d.: 380 ff.)  {Kakar mistakenly places the Sheikh Alis “north-west of Bamian”.} — because their depredations of traffic interrupted communications into Afghan Turkistan (Kakar 1971: 162 ff.).  The arrival of troops into the area would have been a major event for the peoples of  the Sayyed’s neighborhood.  A more disruptive event in the territory of Sayyed Nadir’s birth would have taken place in the year of the Sayyed’s birth:  the war between the Amir and his cousin Sardar Muhammad Ishaq Khan.  The Amirs army had in fact staged their move to the north from Sayghan, less than fifty miles from Kayan, and moved into Kahmard on their way to Ghaznigak where they defeated the rebellious army of Afghan Turkistan.  Ghaznigak was scarcely 90 miles north of Kayan and the Amir’s army would have marched near there, perhaps through Doshi, Tala and Barfak nearby.  Moreover, because the Sheikh Ali Hazaras of the region had failed to support him in the struggle against Ishaq Khan the Amir two years later removed thousands of Sheikh Alis out of the area and carried them off to Herat (Kakar 1971: 163).  That was not the end of trouble in the east-central region, however, because within a year the Hazarajat rose against the Amir.  In the bloody Hazara war against the Amir in 1891-1893 most of the fighting would have taken place at some distance from Kayan but the neighborhood would certainly have been affected by the displacement of thousands of Hazaras and the devestations the region that the Amir’s armies left behind (Mousavi 1999???).  Even then the Sheikh Alis of the region were not completely subdued because after the death of the Amir in 1901 they “renewed their old practice of plundering caravans on the Kabul-Turkistan road which ran through their country” (Kakar 1971: 162).  Such would be the incorageability of the Hazara peoples among whom would be many followers of Sayyed Nadir when he was named pir of the Ismailis five years later. }}

Bakhtiaari’s time

Pirs in Bamian area and changes in their collection system

Kalu-at Mir Nasir

An old man talked with has said a lot about Bakhtyâri I didn’t understand.

¨ Mir Bakhtyâri had a dispute over maliki over [with?] the people for two years.  It must have been serious.  In the end the other pretender was put in jail until his death.  Bakhtyâri was Ismaili secretly if he was one.  The other was asnâshar.  After this fight, Bakhtyâri visited Kayân to see P.S. and acknowledged his superiority.

¨ In those days, people couldn’t come out openly regarding their Ismaili faith.  Ismailis couldn’t survive in the army if they said they were Ismaili.  They had to go around in groups of ten or more to be safe.  They began to be more open about their Ismaili faith in the time of Nâdir shâ khân.

 

early [secret] advance of Ismailism

 

Pâynd Ali (of âdil), servant of Jean Selch

Said in early days of Ismaili in Shibar there were several mullas who began to teach for Ismailism.  They did it only carefully — secretly — only to people they could trust, who really were friends.  They changed ideas of a few people — 2 or three to five — and they met to discuss these things, but only secretly.  They never told about themselves.  Then 30 or 40 years ago [since 1968, i.e., 1928-1938], the P.S. [this would have been Pir Nadir Shah] openly said he was Ismaili and was for âqâ khân.  In Shumbul one of the most effective mullas was Abdul the FF of âkhund aslam.  Also FF of Mubârakshâ.  Eventually, they changed a lot of people to Ismaili in their areas.

 

early Islmailis in Shumbul

 

[MGH?]  At first there were few Ismailis but it grew larger

In the time of Imam Jaafar-i Saadiq, one son, Ismail vs Musaa-i Kaazim.  Until this time they were all Shia.  After this time they split.  The Shia were for Musaa-i Kaazim; the Ismailia were for Ismail.

The people of Afghanistan split over this.  The people who thought the one who was biggest chose the biggest one.  There was hard feeling.  Ta’asub bud.  One side said it understood the truth, the other side the other way.

 

M6  Now each side is firm.  Neither side can change.

Each year sometimes a few change from ashnaashar to Ismalia but not otherwise.

The ones who change are more oshaar.  The ones who are ignorant remain Asna`ashar

 

Though opposed, they are not fighting, but look badly at each other.

 

(An elder from Shibar, MGH).  In our place now we are all Ismaili.  When my father became Ismaili the whole of Pusht-i Mazar [his village] became Ismaili.  Qalaa-i Mullah [another village] were Ismaili before Pusht-i Mazar — maybe twenty years earlier than us.  Our Khalifa was Mullah Baabay the father of Mullah Gholam.  In a few places there were a few [Ismaili] houses scattered among the other [Shi`a] houses.  In those days we troubled these people a lot — said bad things abou them … Eventually we all became Ismaili.  These early Ismailis were probably close, or well known, to the Pir Saheb.  Mullah Bâba Bây — in our childhood we called him Mullah Bâba.

 

(An elder from Shibar).  When Pusht-i Mazar [his village] became Ismaili it was 70 years ago, maybe.  The Pir Saheb was Timur Shah.  He had not visited there.  Travel was difficult then — only by horseback.  In those days few people could see the Pir Saheb, but the masjid was there [in Kayan].  The Pir Saheb’s grandfather built the masjid.  Their homeland is in Iran.  At first they came to Khawât [Khawār? in Besud?], then moved to Kayân.  At first only old people knew the origin [of the pir’s family] was Iran and that they were pirs.  Then more and more people began to see that they were.  Maybe the Pir Saheb knows his family’s descent.  The Pir Saheb and the Aga Khan are both descendants of Ali, but through the main line of Ali; the Aga Khan is from bigger people than the Pir.

 

(An elder from Shibar).  Mullah Bâba [in Qala-ey Mullah].  These people had become Ismailis many years before [his village].  Their livelihood was better than that of many others.  It is likely that their prosperity helped induce the people of Pusht-i Mazar [his village] to become Ismailis.  The other people in Shumbul, many of them, had already become Ismailis [before Pusht-i Mazar].

 

(Sayyed Sarwar Shah of Ghojurak).  His father was Shah Gholam Hosayn-i Sayyed Mirza [of Ghojurak].  He was Khatib [therefore was also mullah for Pusht-i Mazar years ago] for the Qâzi, but was not so official; he said the nekâ [marriage cermony] and made people keep up the mosques.  He was himself Ismaili.  Everyone feared the Qâzi; he could jail them, hit them with a durra [a studded belt used for punishment].  He was the only one who could do that, not the Governor even, not the subgovernor.

 

(Gholam Rasul, brother of Mir Gholam Hasan).  In the old qalâ [fort, at the mouth of Shumbul], there was a school there.  Pusht-i Mazar had a mullah, Shah Gholaam Hosayn [the Khatib], son of Sayyed Mirza, son of Sayyed Khojaa) in Ghojurak.  His sons are there now.

 

Pattern of pirs / saints services and veneration in early Bamian

(Mullah Sidiq, a man from Shibar, and had worked in Kabul for several years).  Shah Ali Shah was a leader of the Ismailis in Jawzaar above Birgilich.  He was the father of Sayyed Mubarak Shah.  He was not the pir but did piri [pir’s work].  That is people came to him when they were in need and when sick, and he gave ta`wîz for sick children.  [Also] Shaan Shaah was a religious leader of the Asnaa`ashariya.  He did piri work.  He and Shah Ali Shah both lived to be a hundred.  He also gave ta`wîz.  Sayyed Timur Khân was brother of the the Pir Saheb and the previous Pir Saheb [of the Ismailis].  Also, the brother before him was Sayyad Gawar Khân.  He was another previous pir.

 

(From my notes [in the Markaz?]).  A man told me that Sayyed Ghazanfar Shah came here about thirty years ago [c. 1937].  He is from the Sayyeds of Ghazni.  Another volunteered about the same amount of time.  One wonders if it could have been about the time of the assassination of Nadir Shah by a Hazara from the Ghazni area.  Sayyed Ghazanfar Shah himself came here.  His Father died in Ghazni.  His father’s father died in Bamian and a large tomb to him, built by Sayyed Ghazanfar Shah, is high on a hill.  People couldn’t remember his name.

 

 

Mirs in Shibar / Kalu from early this century

arbâb kabir

                    Mir Abbas was mir of Kâlu and Shibar, [he] was in the time of Abdul Rahman.  He was very cruel.  I don’t remember who was before him.  Then there was Gholâm Haydar, the father of Gholâm Rasul.  Mir Zafar was in Dân-i Gharghara.  Then [after him? there] was Mir Baxtiâri.

In the time of Mir Abbas all of Kâlu and Shibar were under him.  People killed him because he was very cruel.  He explained to us, and the people.  After Mir Abbas was Gholam Haydar.  He was also in Kâlu.  Also there was Mir Zafar.  After Mir Abbas was killed, Shibar and Kâlu became separate, [they] had separate Mirs.  At the time of Mir Abbas, Ikhtyâr was in Shibar.  He was liked, was mir for many, many years.  After him was Murâd Ali, who lived in Birgilic.  Then there was Mir Gurs Ali, then Mir Gholâm Ali.  Then Gholâm Mâmad, Mir Mowladâd.  He was the mir of all of Shibar.  My grandfather, Mir Gurz Ali, was mir before that.  He was in Bulola.  Irâq was under him, too.  The arbâbs in Irâq then were Mirza Faiz Ali, Arbâb Ali Mâd, and before that they had others:  Mir Zânu, Mâmad mir.  Mir Zânu was in Irâq, Mâmad Mir in Irâq was my FFF.  And Mir Abbas’s daughter had hit his hand when they went from Shibar to him [? when Mir Abbas and daughter came from Shibar to Maamad Mir?].  When they were coming, she hit him and cut his finger.  Then Shibar hit Mir Abbas and killed him.  She was in the house because her foot hurt, then she saw that 1000 men from Shibar have come to us.  At first my ancestor, Mâmad Amir, was going to kill him, then the girl hit him and then the others came and killed him (Abbas).  A thousand men came against him.  He had some body guards, but not nearly as many.  The sons were killed in Shina of Irâq.  The sons ran away, hoping the people wouldn’t be so much against them, but the people didn’t let any male live from Mir Abbas.  Mir Abbas was not a descendant [ascendant?] of Mir Zafar.

His daughters were left alive, and through them he has grandchildren but no sons.  They were killed in Shina of Irâq.  After that the mirs of Shibar and Kâlu were separate.  But then whoever did well, like Baxtyâri, he took Irâq, Daki, then also Birgilic, Ghandak and Jalmish, and he was mir of Kâlu.

When Mir Abbas was killed, naturally some of the people of Kâlu were angry, but they couldn’t do anything, because so many rose up against him.  Then Gholâm ayaday [Haydar?] or Mir Zafar were in Kâlu at that time.  In Shibar was Mir Gorz Ali.  Baxtyâri was in the time of Mir Gholam Ali Beg.  Then Mir Murâd Ali gave up the miri for Mir Gholam Ali Beg, because he said he was more informed, wise.

Then when he [Mir Gholam Ali Beg?] died Mir Mowladâd became mir — i.e. when my grandfather died then Mowladâd became mir, then Mir Gholâm M., then by alliance, agreement the mirs [they?] were changed [i.e. must refer to an informal concensus].  Also in the time of Mir Gholâm M., my kâkâ [Mir Ahmad Ali Beg?] was mir for one year.  They changed by itifâq — by agreement, concensus.  Then my kâkâ was not happy, because if you are going to go to Mir Gholâm M., if you are going to go to Mir gholâm M. then don’t come to me anymore — I won’t be your mir.  When people became aligned [basta] to him he tries to become mir, and [to make] the other not to be mir.  One year my father was mir, then my kâkâ, then Mir mowladâd, then Mir gholâm M. beg.  Then in the days of Mir Gholâm M. Beg, my Kâkâ [MAAB] stood up for one year, he was miri in Bulola, then went to Irâq and did miri.

Mir Gholâm M. was under the hand of my grandfather [Bakhtiari?] then he took my mother.  My kâkâ [MAAB] gave her to him.  Her father wouldn’t give her to him, because he felt my kâkâ should take her [because he was the brother of her first husband, after his decease].  If you don’t take him, he told her, then you should stay at home.  But my mother wouldn’t agree to him.  Over this Baxtyâri was upset with Mir Aamad Ali Beg.  He was still living.  The father, Arbâb Ali Baxsh, came for pershraw [peyshraw? purshis {question, asking}?] to ask her to take him as husband.  At that time I was small and in Kâlu, 5 or 6.  When they married, I was 7 or 8 [he was about 45 in 1968; 38 years earlier would have been 1930].  After that Mir Gholâm M. ran away, avoiding Mir Baxtyâri.  That it was bad for his name that they didn’t marry — or she didn’t marry — according to his orders.  My uncle [MAAB] became mutafiq with him, and then he gave her to Mir Gholâm M.  My kâkâ [MAAB] had the first right over her and wanted her, but she would not agree.  Then he gave her ba dista to father of MAJ [Mir Gholam M.].  If he hadn’t agreed, then they couldn’t have taken her.  The father of him [her? i.e. Arbab Ali Bakhsh] was also a help; he also took some money.  And the father took money.  Later on I fought with them, because they had sold her to them.  Maybe they took 1000 or 2000 — got it from Mir Gholâm M.

When a man dies, his brother has the first right to the wife.  But she has to agree, if she doesn’t then it isn’t done.

                    Mir Gholâm M. before he took her, he was a Mir, but didn’t have a big following.  After he took her, he got a lot of aqyat/asyat [raayat], because he had the daughter of Mir Baxtyâri.  The point is that I should get a wife from some nâmdâr from a motabar person.  To get a wife from a man who moves around the country, who is informed, famous, etc.

                    Mir Gholâm M. had two other wives.  They were not famous people, they were from his own gawm.  They were alive when he took her.  But this woman [daughter of Bakhtiari] was fâmida, could do everything, was the daughter of a nâmdâr and was jawân.  She also can read and write.

N.B. This man [Mullah Hosayn?] is xwârzâda of her. (i.e. his mother is sister of Mulla Hosayn [NO, MH is son of the sister of this woman, who is dau of Bakhtiari].  Since MAJ’s mother is daughter of Mir Baxtyâri, he is xwârxânda of her.)

Then I was nâsâz with Mir Gh. M. for some years, because he had taken my mother [i.e., she had been married to his father who had died].  If I had been grown, and not small, he couldn’t have taken her.  Even if his place had not been far away, I wouldn’t have given her to him.  I didn’t want him.  Only my uncle gave her to him.  (my kâkâ mâkâ, i.e. others were involved — the prior right of the husband’s qawm?)  The kâkâ of Mir Ahmad Ali [Beg].  They agreed among themselves.  The wife herself did not marry (anyone in the qawm(?)), so “Come, let us give her to him”.  The uncle of this (?) came and said I am your muzdur [servant], your deeqân [farm laborer].

Then [they, who? Mir Gh M?] came uzur K. to house of mâdarmâd (?) — men and women.  They came heads bare, uzur K. to our house.  That you should please not fight with us.  Then we became sâz with them.  They said they will give us two daughters, so that you will be sam with us.  Don’t fight with us.  We became sam with them, but we didn’t take their daughter.  The people that were on their side were all of shibar.  These people who came sar lutch were from the Q. of âdil from Quchangi.  They came to Bulola, to our house.  Then they gave me a chapan and a horse.  They were going to give me two girls.  One of these was the mother of Hashem and there was another of them, child of her kâkâ.  But I said I didn’t want them, I had not râai with them.  I said, other than my own mother, I won’t take anyone else.  She was herself happy to be there.  She was herself happy to be there.  She told herself that she had left these (girls?) for me.  You should take them, but I wouldn’t take them.

Then he became very big.  Over all of Shibar, to Irâq, but not Ghandak.  At that time Mir Baxtyâri was over Ghandak.  Mir Baxtyâri brought me to Kâlu because he liked me a lot.  My kâkâ [MAAB] became motafiq with them.  He wanted to take her himself but she wouldn’t.  After this, for one year Mir Āmad Ali beg was mir of Shibar, but for only one year.  Then after that, Mir Gholâm M. became Mir.  Somehow he got the people to him.  He [Mir] He G.M. did fishâr.  He did something with the government.  He turned the people to himself.  There was no fight over this.  The kâkâ didn’t fight over this.

                    Mir Mowladâd was a mir in the time of Mir Āmad Ali beg, but he was basta with him.  My uncle did everything, he was basta with him.  He helped my uncle.  Then after that, Mir Mowladâd became (mir), then Mir Gholâm M., then after that my kâkâ again.  When Mir Gholâm M. was mir, Mir Moladâd did not help him, but his people were with Gh. M.  My kâkâ told him not to allow it (him? i.e. Gh. M.?), the kâkâ said he was not happy with Gh. M.  Then he beitifiqi namekad, ke mâ yak ismâyeli asteem.  And Mir Mowladâd was not ismailia [this is the Mir Mowladad who was in Shumbul?]. (hic.  He had the hicoughs).  The sects were already known.  Mir Mowladâd did not help Mir Gh. M. at all and also did not betifâqi k.  He said that this (person?) should be it.  Your father was (mir) before, before you, and he should also be it now.  But he didn’t agree, so he mutafiq girift with him (?).  Moladâd did.  Mir Mowladâd was mir before, too, after my father Arbab Ali Bakhsh], and also was after my kâkâ [MAAB].  Then Gh. M. xest, and told my kâkâ to do miri again, and he didn’t — but if he had also xest, there would have been a fight, and he couldn’t have won.  Then there were two mirs.  Some people took him.  Then uwâ beitifâqi nakard.  He said beitifâq meshem.  i.e.  We will be disunited if I also xest.  The asnaâshar are only a few — 200 – 300 households.  But they, the sayids of Birgilich, were bast on the side of Mir Gh. M.

My father, Gurz Ali, was Ismaila.  He was strong, so the asnâshar could not say anything.  In those days, people would say they were murid of sayid so and so, most of them said they were murid of sayid -i- kayân.  People didn’t know much about maslak in those days.  From the days of his fathers, the sayid -i-kayân was the most famous.  Others were just gadaygars, who were hungry, etc.  Also the sayids of Birgilich had their followers, too, and they later nashud (i.e. it didn’t work out for them.)  Later, they had a dispute with Mir Gh. Mâmad over who was to be Mir — was not over sect — they were for Mir Mowladâd.   Some people went with Mir Mowladâd, but many were for Mir Gh. M.  Those who supported Mir Mowladâd were from everywhere.  From Shumbul, Jolâ, only a few from Birgilich, if any.  There were 100 houses in Jolâ.

                    Mir Gh. M. died still young and vigorous.  After he died, they took one of his brothers to the Mir, then my uncle [MAAB] — the brother they took was Barât Ali, and my uncle was Mir âmad ali beg.  Mir Gh. M. died almost 20 years ago [from 1968 that would have been ~1948].  After he died, Mir Mowladâd also xest, but he died, then we took MAJ.  He was our brother to us.  He also told Mir âmad ali beg that he was as a father to him.  He came and kissed his hand, and kissed his face, out of friendship.  He was a good boy to xest.

 

Hazarjat in Saqqaw time

>>  During time of Saqqaw the pop of Tagaw allied w Saqqaw while the Hazaras opposed him.

 

[new page ??]

In the time of saqaw they tried to turn people to saqawi, but these people said until they die or are killed they will not become saqawi.  He had no right to be king.  Birgilich did not suffer under the hand of the saqaw’s armies because it was quite a ways off the main road, so was untouched.  Shumbul however was hit hard because it was on the main road.

After the saqaw these sayyeds were afraid to make too much trouble because they were afraid of the new king Nadir Shah.

 

Wedding incident in about the late 1930s

                    pp 133b – 150 of original field notes.

Marriage Conflict in Shibar Sheykh Ali

The members of a descent group have in the past strongly exercised their right to control the flow of young women given in marriage to outsiders.  Sentiment in the qawm against the marriage of a girl to someone in a distant qawm can become strong enough to prevent the marriage.  The following account (from a recorded conversation) of an attempt by the girl’s qawm to refuse her to a strong man of a distant region took place about forty years ago [1968-40=1928].  It is included to illustrate the former manner of inter-qawm articulation and the unwillingness to marry girls very far out.  Obviously in this case the relations between these two qawm communities were not close.  Note that the sizes of the functioning qawm groups seem to have been considerably larger than at present.

When I got this wife, before that there was a man named Gh. Resa from Sex Ali [he?] was her father.  He died.  Then there was a man named Mirza Osayn who married the widow.  There were four daughters of Gh. Reza by this woman.  There was a man in Sheykh Ali named M.O. who had married a widow, the mother of four daughters.  This M.O. said to me that he would give one of them to me, but he said, “Give me 1000 afghanis.”  He promised his first daughter, whom I had already seen.  When I brought the 1000 afghanis, I asked for her according to our agreement, but he didn’t agree to give her right then…  Then twenty days later, when I went again to ask about the marriage, the man asked for 10,000 afghanis for the bride price.  So in ten or twelve days I obtained the money, and took it to him.  Then the man made a promise, that on a certain day I and my people should come.  “Send your gifts and we will have the marriage.”

The gifts and food were to be sent a few days in advance of the wedding feast.  So I put 10 ser of flour on a donkey, and 10 ser of rice on another donkey, along with two ser of rowghaan (clarified butter) and five sheep and 40 meters of cloth and sent them to him.  Then we went a few days later to the agreed-upon marriage feast.  The distance was great, so I didn’t take a lot of men, only forty.  When we were coming M.O. with all the Mirs of the Sheykh Ali came to us on horses.  We were on horses too, and they came to a place and stopped us on the road.  Then M.O. asked us “Where are you going?”  Then he said, “Go back to your house, there will be no marriage now.”  Then I said, “I can’t go back now, I have brought my qawm and my people.  If I go back now, I will be embarrassed.”  I had with me Mir Awdur and Sayyed Tabar, and they took the biggest man of Sheykh Ali aside and sat with him…  Then they offered him a fine turban and a chapan [a kind of coat or mantle] to persuade M.O. to go through with the marriage.  Then this man went with them to the house of M.O. and all went there with them.  This was the month of Ramazaan [the month of fast], and on the way these men with me had not eaten at all.  When we got there M.O. told us that there was no food there; it had all been eaten.  Then I bought two sheep from someone else in Sheykh Ali, and I bought rowghaan and rice and flour, etc., and then we took this to him but he still didn’t give this to our people.  They were left hungry all night.  But M.O. did bring a mullah and he performed the marriage ceremony.  During the night M.O. fed ten of the elders from his own valley in two separate rooms, but the others of us were left hungry.  That night at 2 a.m. he told me and our people that we must leave now.  “And if the people of Sheykh Ali know that you take the girl you will not be able to have her” — that is, we should take her secretly.  So we took her that night, and went home.  Our men had been away for two days and nights without eating any food.

The next day early in the morning the people of Sheykh Ali came to M.O., maybe 100 men, and said they would not allow him to give this girl to the people of Darghaan.  When he told them that the girl had already been taken away they all were much distressed, but they went away to their own homes.

The idea of these people was that a woman should not go out of their valley.  They were angry at me that I wanted to take away that girl.  They said, “Are there no men in Sheykh Ali that we should give the girl to him?  We are people of Sheykh Ali and he is from the people of Darghu [Darghaan].  She should stay here among us, she should not go out.  We have plenty of men for our women.”  They felt she should go to a member of their own qawm.  She should marry relatives, not another person.  The relatives have the right to her.  They thought, “It is not good that our qawm should not build a household, while another qawm does so with one of our women.”

 

[The following is a summary of mine of the above]

The Mir before the present w. had another wife, who had two d’s. who have now married.  When I got this wife, before that there was a man named Gh. Resa from Sex Ali [he?] was her father.  He died.  Then there was a man named Mirza Osayn who married the widow.  There were four daughters of Gh. Reza by this woman.  When they grew up one of them this Mirza Osayn said to Mir Sayb that he would give one of them to him.  He promised to give one of them, but said give me 1000 afs.  He promised the first daughter, whom the Mir had seen.  Then the Mir had already asked for her.  When he had agreed, Mir went to do the shirini, also asked some men to come with him, then went second time, 1000 afs gave him.  Then he said now you should give her, according to your agreement.  Then he took the money, but he didn’t agree to give her right then.  Then about 20 days later he asked Mir to give him 2 caws and one xar to use in the harvest of his crops, then he kept them didn’t give them back.  Then another 20 days later, when the Mir went to again to do the marriage, the man asked for another 10,000 afs.  Then in 10-12 days he found the money, and took it to him.  Then the man made a promise, that on a certain day you and your people should come, send your gifts and then we will have marriage.  The gifts and food are sent 2 to 4 days in advance of the wedding feasting.  Then Mir put 10 ser of flour on the donkey and 10 ser of rice on another donkey, and 2 ser rooghan and 5 sheep, and 10 suits of cloth (= 40 meters of cloth).  Then they went a few days later to the agreed upon marriage feast.  The distance was great so I didn’t take a lot of men–took only 40 men with me.

 

When we were coming then, Mirza Hosayn, with all the Mirs of the Shex Ali came to us on horses, we were on horses too, and they came to a place and stopped the road, and then asked us Mirza Hosayn asked us, where are you going.  Then said go back to your house.  There will be no marriage now.  Mir then said I can’t go back now, I have brought my Q. and my people if I go back now, I will be embarrassed.  Then I had with me the other Mir Gh. Asan, and Sayed Taalib Shaa; then they took the biggest man of Shex Ali aside and sat together, this man was Firqa Isaa Khaan.  Then they offered him a lungi, chapan to get Mirza Hosayn to go through with the marriage.  Then this man went with them to house of Mirza Gh. Osain.  Then all went together to his house.  This was mo. of Razaman.  On the way these men now with Mir. had not eaten at all on way.  When they got there, then the Mirza Gh. H. said to them that there was not food there, it had all been eaten.  Then the Mir bought 2 sheep from someone else in Shex Ali.  Then also bought rooghan and rice, and flour, etc.  Then they took this and he still didn’t give it to the Mir’s people.  They were still hungry.  They were left hungry all night.  Then Mirza Gh. Hosayn brought a mullah, Mullaa Faqir to do the nikaa to join the marriage.  He read the xudbe-nekaa. ra basta kad.  During this night he fed his own people from Shex Ali, 10 of the elders from own valley in two separate rooms.  The others were left hungry.  That night we gave this rich man the lungi and chapan. and to three other elders we gave three lungis.  Then that night at 2 a.m. he told Mir and his people that they must leave now.  And if the people of Shex Ali knew that you have taken the girl, you would not be able to have her; i.e., take her secretly.  Then that night took her.  Then for two days and nights these men returned to their homes not having eaten.  They arrived about 2 or 3 in afternoon.  Then the next day early in morning the people of Shex Ali came to Mirza Gh. Hosayn–maybe 100 men–and said they would not allow him to give this girl to the people of Darghaan–i.e., to upper people of Shirbar.  Then when he told them the girl was taken they all expressed great disappointment.

Then they dispersed.  Then at his house Mir held a big party at his house 2 or 3 nights.  Had musicians and lots of food 150 or 200 people came.

 

The only point of Mirza Gh. Hosayn was that he should take the money and lie his way out of it.  He is now in Kabul.  After 4 or 5 years there were these 2 daughters.  Then she died.  One year after her death, then this Irza came and said he thought the Mir had killed her.  If I had had time I would have taken blood from you because of this.

 

This Mirza Hosayn had a d. and s. by this marriage.  He caused a lot of trouble for his own people in Shex Ali.  He was went to the alaqadaar and claimed someone had stolen this or that, then took money from this man to leave this alone.  Did this several times, then finally people of Shex Ali areeza kad that this man had given us enough trouble.  He was put in jail.  Was there in Charikaar for 1 year.  Then somehow got out although he was to come to Kabul for two more.  Now is secretly living in Kabul, has paid a man to try to spring him out of his jail sentence.

 

The people of Shex Ali are also Ismailis, but this man who had the daughters didn’t really pay any attention to sect.  But the idea of these people was that a woman should not go out of our valley.  They were angry at me that I wanted to take away that girl.  They said are there no men in Shex Ali that we would give the girl to him?  We are people of Shex Ali and he is from people of Darghaan.  She should stay here among us, should not go out, we have plenty of men for our women.  Feel she should go to a member of same qawm.  Not that the expenses should go out, but the members of same q. will also pay same amount.  Mainly interested in the girls staying here, not going elsewhere.  Should not be to another qawm.  Should be to relatives, not to another person.  The relatives have the rights to her.  Should be to relatives, like the purdah — to be unveiled outside the q. is not so good.  It is not good that our qawm should not build a household, while another one does with one of our women.

 

Social relations in 1930s 1940s

SAINT EXPLOITATION

in the pir-sect network in the +/- 1940s -1950s.  Sayyeds of Birgilich.

(M126)      The sayeds [of Birgilich??] are very near the other people, but in a separate valley.  I didn’t give the right to use this mountain to anyone else.  After Mir GH became mir he freed the people from the hand of these Sayyeds.  At first, from ancient times [they] had cows, sheep-goats, land, donkeys.  In these times, Mir Murâdali was mir.  The sayyeds were not mirs, but were rich.  They got wine and moreof the things of the people for themselves.  They took their cows, killed them, ate them.  Shânshâ the father of Shâh Ghulâm Hosain before the saqaw was hâkim.  The kâkâ of Sha Gholam Hosayn was a hâji and very rich.  He had lots of land, from the time of his father and grandfather had lots of money.  Their father was Shâdarbesh, son of Shâh-i Askar-i ??.  These people in this line had money and took sut [interest] for one 100 Afs: 50 ser wheat [for 100 afs]; in this time, one Af was one ser.

 

(M127)   These sayyeds had money, and most people didn’t have money, so they could get this amount of interest.  They didn’t have the right to do this, by religion, but cruel people can do this.  Besides loans with interest they also loaned on giraw.  They would have the owner of the land work it for a yearly amount.  If they got 10 sers toxum of land for 1000 Afs, they would soon take 500 ser of wheat yearly from them.  (This amount of land, this will do about 200 or 300 sers of wheat if it is well fertilized.)  The rest of this wheat had to come from the borrower’s other lands.   It was like this before the saqaw.  Later, then it became better, after the saqaw it became better, only 30 ser for 100 afs.  Therefore better.  This was because wheat became more valuable.  Before this time money was in hard silver.  Then after the saqaw, the notes became more plentiful and the population may have grown so the money became less valuable.  Now, in these days 1000 Afs will only bring 20 sers of wheat in interest — i.e. much cheaper.  Shân shâ died after the saqaw, 20 years later.  Sayyed âmad shâ died five or six years after saqaw.  In the time of the saqaw all the people of Shibar were for Ahmanullah but the sayyeds were for the saqaw.  Shân shâ was very wealthy before becoming hakim of Shibar.  In those days the king couldn’t come there, but only the wâli, etc.  In the days of Ahmaunullah Khan the most wealthy people were the mustaofi.  Mustaofi mumâlik was the wakil of the king, was like a PM.  He was the one with the right to appoint these people.  Shân shâ probably gave money to the Mustaofi mumalik, maybe 1000 Afs, or 2000 Afs, (was silver in those days), he had come to Kabul to get this postion.  Then the Mustaofi gave him the firman to go to Shibar as hakim.  The government paid salaries of people there.  Under the hakim are other people who are responsible for the collection of taxes.  The work of the hâkem is responsible for the collection and maintanence of order.  Even now the hâdims take a lot of bribes, and in those days got even more bribes.

 

(M128)            Even in those days,, the government kept close control over records of taxes paid, etc. so point of becoming hâkem was to take bribes.  When he was hâkem he was not in the area of Shibar, he was in Yakawlang, way on the other side of bandi amir.  He was not the hâkem of Shibar.  The Hakims get their main benefit from the fights and disputes between people in their area of birgilic and became their mir.  Mir Murad ali had died, who was from lower part of birigilic, was not a sayyed.  He was not so wealthy as the sayyeds.  Because he was the mir, they couldn’t do anything.  His power as Mir was important.  Even before Mir Murad ali died, Shân Shâ became mir.  He was mir for about four or five years.  When he died his son Shâ Gholam Hosayn became mir.   When Shân Shâ became mir, then sayyed were very strong.

These sayyeds were Ismailis in time of Shâ Ali Askar, then in time of Shâ Darbeesh (father of Shân Shâ) they changed to Shia.  Maybe some mullah changed their minds.  Before this time they were not so close to the common people of the area.  They didn’t marry these people, and they didn’t have meemâni with the.  Shân Shâ was before the Saqaw the hâkem.  Then in time of the saqaw the Mir Murad ali was Mir, who died a year or two after the saqaw year.  In this time sayyed were saqaw.  There was a sayed named Mir Ali gawar, in charde qhorband who told them to be saqaw, because the saqaw has taken the throne and no one can take it away from him.  They were not under him but one of the daughtes of Shân Shâ was married to him, and they were related.  In Charde ghorband there are only two or three houses of Sayyeds.  These are very wealthy.  In early days these people, the Sayyeds had lots of money and power and lyâz.  The lyâz was because . . .

 

(Section removed here)

 

[p159]

The Sayeds of Birgilic in those early days when they were powerful, could use their cows, could even take a man and use him on their own fields, they would use their donkeys in carrying loads, the people had no choice.  They oppressed them a lot.  Before the sayeds, the mir was Mir Murâd Ali.  He was from the Birgilici.  The sayyeds were not under him and his people were not under them.  The sayeds had their own arbâb.  He had to do with the government, and if their was any trouble between them.  When the sayeds separated themselves from the Ismailis, they made themselves separate from the people of birgilic.  But the oppression of before, they were still able to practice.  They were rich, owned a lot, they took many peoples land in giraw.  They took people’s things and the people themselves for their own work.  They made them plow, made them harvest, made them . . .  If a man borrowed money and could not pay, they would take the man’s crop when it was cut.  They had people work for them, but gave them nothing at all in pay for this.  They couldn’t get away from them because the sayeds were very rich, and the people were very poor.  The people were also unfamiliar and (un?)known to the government, and very poor.  They couldn’t go anywhere or request anything of the government . . . ghanimat meedâsht yak câr rooz guzâreemâ shawa [ghanimat = spoil, booty].  Their mir was also weak and he couldn’t say anything.  Their khalifa was Mubârak shâ, he was very zabardast person but after he killed that man, he became very weak.  And he was relieved of [his] khalifagiri.  PS very angry at him.  After Mir Murâd Ali died then the sayeds became the Mirs.  Shân Shâ became mir, the father of this Shâ Gholâm Hosayn.  They became the mir because there was no one else in their qawm who could do the mirri.  The sayeds were rich, and had money — cash.  This was kind of forced on them, they hadn’t wanted it really, but had to accept them.  They couldn’t ask someone else to be Mir who was Mir somewhere else because the place was far away and the person asked could have been afraid of the sayeds . . . [160] . . . were afraid sayeds would oppress them.  Then they felt they had better be able to get along with them so they could be saved from worse oppression by them, so the people themselves chose the sayeds to be their Mirs.  In those days their miri was not official.  They were mirs unofficially.  In those days the Mir was at home and went to the araqadâri when there was work to do there.  The sayeds had lots of land, had bought a lot before.  Would buy it when a man was so poor, was forced to sell it when he had nothing, then they would buy it.  People would give land on giraw.  The land would be giraw for an indefinate period of time.  Then when the time had gone on for too long, the sayeds say qawâlee baybâd biri [beti?].  Then they would give some more money and take the land as their own.   When this is done they go to the qâzi, the alaqadâr or the hâkim can’t do this, only the qâzi.  When he has written this, he makes a moor-seal–on the document.  Once the seal of the qâzi is on it, the former owner had no right to the land.  The qâzi is in bamyan, in the wulâyat, not in alaqadâri.

 

SOCIAL HISTORY OF CONVERSION IN SHIBAR

(162)  After the sayyeds became Mir, then they were able to freely oppress the people.  One or two years after the Saqaw they became mir — Shaan Shah was mir — then he died and Ali Shaa became their arbaab.  He was this for 4 or 5 years, then when he died Laal Shah his brother was it, who was the son of Ahmad Shah, then he became thier mir, then Mir Gh Hosayn became their mir.  Laal Shaa was the son of brother of Shaan Shaa.  Until the time of Shaa Gholam Hosayn the people were under the Sayyeds.  At first I was on good terms with Shah Gholam Hosayn.  But after they turned back the donkeys and fought then Shah Gholam Hosayn said of these peole that they had taken his cow, stolen it, and after they had hit arbaab Ali Jam and after they had made areza and when it has become rasmi we argued over this for a long time, maybe for one year or two years.  Every week we went five or six days to Bamyan, came back then went to the alaqadari then back to Bamian.  We spent two years like this. When this never worked then this Jaan M Khan said it wen to Bamian “I will ask you a question then you write that these cows were eaten by a wolf.  They are not theirs, then I will let you go.  then they did it, then he let them go, finished it.  The Birgilichis and Sayyeds were both finished.  And after that I became their mir.  After that wherever we went this Mir Gholam Hosayn fought with me.  We fought a lot.  “Why didn’t you like me?  You took these people away from me.  They were mine.”  He was completely finished from miri and arbaab, everything.  Then the Sayyeds came to Haji Gholam Hasan because they are also Asnaa`ashar.  This Shah Gholam Hosayn was nothing, not a mir, not an arbaab for some time, then two years later the people of Jalmish, who are Tajiks, made him mir.  Sometimes he is there, sometimes not.  He is still angry with me, still fights.  He has been their mir now for 6 years maybe.

(163)  In the days when the sayyeds were their arbaabs the people had been going up there to gather bushes before, but this was with much difficulty.  The shepherds and ther servants, they didn’t give them permission but they came anyway and sort of stole it.  They couldn’t have taken it barmalaa [openly].  They wanted to take these bushes withoug being noticed but then they were noticed and were turned back.  It was also their intention to have an argument so they could get free from the Sayyeds.  Before this they took it at night, etc.  But this time they took it during the day.  Before this these people were very aajiz, very uninformed, unfamiliar, later when they had become knowledgeable and wise then other people became on their side, like the people of Shibar, Shumbul, etc.  Then they knew these people were for them, so they went and took the bushes “so that we should be free from them anymore”.  Also thought [that] MGH could help them.  This Haaji Gholam Hasan was a help to the Sayyeds and I with the people of Shibar helped the people.  MAJ and I and several others, we went to Bamian for this areza.  We payed maybe 60,000 Afs at first.  This was very important to all of us, a struggle between the sects because of they could get away with this, they could have extended their oppression over all the people. So we helped them. We gave a lot of money in bribes for them.  The Sayyeds also paid a lot of money.  They became very ajiz [poor?] from all of this; they paid out a lot.  If there were a 100 houses then, whatever the expense, they assessed it over all the 100 houses. Everyone was angry over this.  All [164] of these Sayyeds were angry, very angry at the Sayyeds because they were very cruel over these people of Birgilic.  These people couldn’t do anything because the Sayyeds were far from other people.  They couldn’t have oppressed them [if they had been more accessible?] although in some places they were ablet to extend their trouble to some others.

Before they went up the hill to take the bushes they didn’t let me know of it.  But they had decided it among themselves.  This 100 houses had decided to do this.  “So that we can be free of these Sayyeds.”  On the side of the Sayyeds all the Shias joined.  All the Ismailis were for the poeple of Birgilich.  We have about 1000 or 1500 housholds and they have about 700 so we were stronger.  But before this all the people of the Shias were stronger than we were, than our people.  In those days the father of MAJ was mir of this Shibar over the Q. of Daaki, Aadil and Ayaam.  He was not mir in other places.  In other places the mir of Shumbul or Iraaq where the people were Ismaili he was not the mir.  He was over these three Q and the Q of Gholamali.  He was over the people of his own Q who were Ismailis.  At the time of this fight I was Mir, MAJ, and the other Mir, Mir Ahmad [MMA] of lower Eraq.  He was mir for some time but became at odds with Qumandaan of Bamian.  He was here in Kabul last [the previous?] year; this year [had ] returned to his own Q and become mir again.  He had fought with his own qawm so his “amqawm” went to the qumadaan and asked an arz — they didn’t come to MGH — went to Wali and Qumandaan of Bamian.  At that time Ansaari was the Wali.  He was very good with our people.  he gave the peole no trouble.  He did their work, their requests.  Then Mir Ahmad said he would do no more miri and came to Kabul, stayed here for two years and this year went back.  The people had become unhappy with him so let him go.  His Q members said you oppress us too much.  He said he never did this kind of thing, never oppressed them.  You are not right to complain to me.   So among themselves they were unhappy, so they went and did arz and the Wali truly came on their side and settled the dispute.  He [MMA] was angry with his Q members so came to Kabul.

[another note]:  They [Sayyeds of Birgilich] were so cruel that a man working in the filed with his team of oxen and chapar [thorn thresher] they would take these away from him as he was in the field, by force.  They would take the cows and do their own work with them.

They Sayyed’s fathers were Ismaili, then later they became Shia.  Their grandfather had been a Khalifa of the Ismailis. {??}

 

Marital relations among the sects

 

(4-62)         Lâl Muhammad married a girl who was 13 — is now 30 [i.e. 17 years ago, from 1967].  And in that time there was only one sect in Shumbul — went to Kotal-i-Shibar to a mulla who said nekâ there.  His mir then was the brother of Wakil Sayb.  Later he says it was Wakil Sayb.

 

Note that a number of marriages between these groups took place prior to the 15-17 years ago fight . . . of Mirzâ Ali (Ismaili) from Lâl Muhammad — his land went to his daughters who married males in ???? darya. [cf.  Shumbul, Musâferbây], also 3-14, 3-12,13.

 

My mother was Shi’ite and my father was Ismaili.  In those days people didn’t pay much attention to the difference and they didn’t care.  They married across sectarian lines freely.  There was a fight between Ismailies and Shi’ites about 10 years after the Sagaw in Turughman (i.e. +/- 1939).  Only a few houses were Ismaili then.  (An Ismaili elder from Turughman)

 

Cultural practices in Shibar in +/- 1910s – 1920s [when mgh was young]

(4-60)  SHUMBUL [shrine]

Mulla Gh.

It used to be that people would recognize a certain place as a shrine.  THey used to burn candles there.  People would burn them in their own shrine, each for himself.  Or, for example, a man had been seen, a certain faqir or a certain malang, seen there and disappeared there, never came back.  Then people in the name of this person make a ziârat.  In those times before there was much mirgandâb, shikariâ, who killed deer and then brought the horns of the deer to the ziârat.  There was also in this place a ayâti, a kona, a ruins, a gumbak, and among these there was a graveyard.  They burned lamps on the graves of a certain person at night, and they made a wall around it and called it a shrine.

After that they called it a shrine and gathered horns there.  Or in the times of now roz or in the times of Id.  People killed buzghâla, and bara, and made dalwa, and alwâ, they carried their degs with them, people gathered together, then everyone went home.  In the times of our fathers, really our grandfathers, then later people understood that they were not meaningful.  If they still this today, they would have a lot of nice horns.  They did this twice every year, once at the end of Mizân, once at the beginning of spring.  They made alwâ and dalda in the fall.  In the beginning of spring tey dilled the bara, or the buzghâla, etc.  And the people ate these things and prayed, they called this xayrât — i.e. this was a ‘godly’ place — i.e. this is a big person.  They thought this was a big person and used to call this godly, and went there and ate over his grave.  A point about these horns is that they could not be burnt, and people had no other purpose for them.  Like they do now, they didn’t do then.  So they took them to the shrine, because they are to be under foot it would not be good.  We will leave them there because our hunting could be stopped, we couldn’t kill them.  So they left the shrine.  So that there would be more good hunting, more good hunting, etc.

They used to hunt a lot.  There were a lot of horns then.  Maybe now there aren’t 1/4 of what was there.  It was a higher pile than that house.  They brought/bring the deer home and eat the meat, then bring the horns to the shrine.  Only the horns go there.  The meat they eat themselves and give to their neighbors.  They divided it.  They didn’t divide it to the shrine.  In those days they were asnâshar.

            Because he would not little (listen?) to the command of God, to the command of the Pir, did something he had no right to do.  He gets very angry, that he should never come near me again.  If a man repents, go to the Pir and say that he will not do a bad thing again–ex. gamble or steal, etc.–then the P.S. won’t say anything against him.  Because of his repentance, he will accept him. 

            We don’t say bad things against anyone.  As much as we can.   We say that stealing is very bad.  We think gambling is very bad.  Wine is very bad.  We think these things are very bad.  We don’t fight with them, or say bad things about them.  But people see us badly.  But we don’t see anyone badly.  All men are sinners, we agree.  A people come to the Pir and repent, and say may God forgive me.  If the P.S. should sin?  No, sir.  He is the possessor of ilm (knowledge).  In so far as is hand can reach, he doesn’t sin.  For example, if he were not ripe, then he couldn’t become the Pir.  If he doesn’t know God, he can’t become Pir.  If he isn’t the possessor of ilm he cannot become the Pir.  If he weren’t near to God, he couldn’t become the Pir.  In so far as possible, he has repented from sin.  He knows God’s work better, so doesn’t know sin, doesn’t see sin, –this is not his kind of work.  It is not neccessary to repent?  Why not, he is a servant of God.  He repents before god of sin, yes.  Prince Karim Xân is a person very high.  He is the son of Imâm Jâfar, who has be descended down from him.  He is his offspring.  He is like an Imâm.  We believe or Imâm is always present.  The asnâshars say he is disappeared, is no longer with us.

 

M5  In Shumbul half are Jamâti; half asnaashari

In Jolâ all are ashnashari

Awlâd-i mir :  all ashna ashari

aashur:  half ashna ashari and half jamaati

dila:  all jamaati

kaaka:  one third asna ashari, two thirds jamaati

 

Some tajiks in Ghandak are not related; this is a large place.  2000 people beyond Bulola, Sunni [“tassenno” = sunni]

 

At first there were few Ismailis but it grew larger

            In the time of Imam Jaafar-i Saadiq, one son, Ismail vs Musaa-i Kaazim.  Until this time they were all Shia.  After this time they split.  The Shia were for Musaa-i Kaazim; the Ismailia were for Ismail. 

            The people of Afghanistan split over this.  The people who thought the one who was biggest chose the biggest one.  There was hard feeling.

Ta’asub bud.  One side said it understood the truth, the other side the other way.

 

M6  Now each side is firm.

M6  Now each side is firm.M6  Now each side is firm.  neither side can change.

Each year sometimes a few change from ashnaashar to Ismalia but not otherwise.

The ones who change are more oshaar.  The ones who are ignorant remain Asnasshar

 

Though opposed, they are not fighting, but look badly at each other.

 

In Shumbul:  1/3 asnaashar; 2/3 Ismailia

 

HaydarBaay

            5 or 6 children [see list somewhere else]

These are asnaashar qawms:

            Wulaytak

            Khudaqaa

            Jameli

Each qawm has its land separately; h is sep; land ownership is sep.

 

Some places the q. is split between religions

            q of Ghlam ali [at top of Shibar]

            q of Daaki

 

If most are Ismalia, then one of these is arbaab; they give arbaab to another qawm.

 

END OF RELATIONS IN BAMIAN FILE

 

The following are from typing done by Elaine and is called Notes.rlc

The general fight was about 20 years ago.  People were Ismailis secretly before that because they were weak.  They intermarried freely among themselves, but the Shi’ites didn’t know about this.  The Ismaili women who married Shi’ite men taught their children the Ismaili viewpoint secretly.  But then the general fight occurred in Turughman because they were discovered to be Ismailis, and some of the women went away from their husbands.  There was a lot of trouble for Ismailis in Turughman because there are only a few of them and there are many Shi’ites against them.  So, they are troubled a lot.  The Ismailis in the provinces always suffer more than in the cities because the people in the provinces can make trouble with the government for them.  They can make a complaint against them and if it’s strong enough, they can force them out.  (An Ismaili mature man from Turughman)

 

My mother was Shi’ite and my father was Ismaili.  In those days people didn’t pay much attention to the difference and they didn’t care.  They married across sectarian lines freely.  There was a fight between Ismailies and Shi’ites about 10 years after the Sagaw in Turughman (i.e. +/- 1939).  Only a few houses were Ismaili then.  (An Ismaili elder from Turughman)

 

Shia-Ismaili Relations in Shibar/Shumbal

We came to know that those other people are Ismailies because one of the sons of the Ismaili pir came here and stayed in the house of mullah G–.  Then we knew.  After that we wouldn’t have anything to do with them anymore.  We don’t marry them anymore, and we don’t even eat with them now because we’re afraid we’ll get sick from it because of this religion.  In fact, it’s no religion at all.  They call the pir sahib a prophet.  And what does he do?  He should change the wall to gold or something to show this.  But he only collects money for himself.  He should at least have some school or some plan for giving to the poor, but he only takes from his poor people and collects the money for himself.  (An Imami elder in Shibar)

 

The Ismailis and the Imamis here don’t speak to each other.  The Ismailis are very silent (chap).  This has been for 15 or 20 years.

 

Note:  See on eating patterns and separation of the sects in 8-69 in Schism, fission file.

 

The relations with the Imamis aren’t good anymore.  If we want to borrow from them, they would send us away and tell us to go to our own kind.  (Ismaili elder in Shibar)

 

Now each side is firm.  Neither side can change.  Each year a few change, but from being Imami to Ismaili — not the other way.  The ones who change are more sensible; the ones who are ignorant remain Imami.  (An Ismaili elder in Shibar)

 

 

Xaak Gadaai tells me that the Ismailis were that a long time back, but that 15 or so years ago there was a big fight over it.  The people must have then learned their true loyalty.  There was a general (umumi) fight here in the valley.  People fought in the chamand (grass land) below  Pushti-Mazar.  The people of Bamian heard about it and were coming to help the asnâshars (Imamis) when the women of the asnâshars (the Imamis) came between both sides with Quran [on their heads] and stopped the fight.  Then there was peace, but hostility for some time.

 

The Ismaili pir paid off the governor of Bamian with a horse and a horse to the main man of sayeds of Bergelich who was a big [prominent] man.  Since that time, Ismailis have been more open.  Now the King knows the pir sahib so they are recognized.  Since the fight, things got better between both sides.  At first they had nothing to do with each other, but times got better and they shared more and more. 

 

[Their beliefs about God’s blessing are very strong.  Quântori is a secular belief. ?? ]

 

Then last year at a wedding there was a big blow-up.  It was the son of Laal Muhammad who was marrying someone (who?) and the Ismailis — from q. of mullâ and shakar etc. mainly — claimed Lâl M. had thrown their food into the river and had not eaten it.  It was a lie (he says).  Apparently, everyone gives something to a wedding and these Ismailis claimed their food wasn’t used.  (an Imami poor man in Shibar)

 

Now the Ismailis don’t have to pay for their wives, he said (Gada’i), because P.S. gave the order.  This is since he made his trip abroad.  Now they pay only 10 ser wheat, 5 ser rice and 2 kushtani (bara?

THE FOLLOWING TEXT WAS MOVED

A.R                 Mir Ghulam Haydar, Sher Ali, Beeg, Mir Bakhtiyari

——-

m 32 PS

[nb when there was less contact with the pir and the followers were distant the mir had more power]

In the time when argument over lang between Sher M. and his B they didn’t tell anyone about it.  The PS lived far away, in kayaan in those days and didn’t know about these things.  In those day came once/ year.  he still comes only once/ year.

 

8-78  Mir, govent, hist

MAA Beg and Arbaab Kabir said the first Alaqadaari was set up in Bulola (I think first by Amanullah [nb. no the British mention that it was an Alaqadari in 19th c, Gazatteer, Bamian].  The Saqaw sent a man whom they did not accept (some trouble w/ him at least) and the real Alaq set up finally by Naadir Khan.  This was first in Bulola.  He stayed in the memaan Khaana of Bulola.  Fought with someone (over what?) and finally he left and went to house of Mir Mowladaad for a while, moved back again to Bulola.  Wa a while in house of Sayed Taalib Shaa (Shumbul) and then back to Bulola, etc.  People didn’t want him.  Eventually place was made for him and his helpers in Shumbul.

 ————–

1. of Naayib (Jumaa Kalaantar)

Our asil is from Besud; our fathers came to Aamqul first, stayed a while.  Then cause poor water, moved to dahan-i Khaak-i Baaba (from zard Khaak); the water there was bad.  Was chamand and very swampy and lots of mosquitoes.  then went to the place of MAJ [Quchanqi].  They got a lot of land there.  We had all the land in Quchangi and throught at first land from Zard Khaak to Daaki was theirs.  There was no one there thn.  Was a big chamand where horses fed.  Then the F of Mir Gholam M. Khan (FF of MAJ) forced them out, to move up into the valley.  In that time they had land in Dahan-i Quchangi.  Then Gholam M. Khan got it from them then, either by sale or etc.  Then Qalay M. Ali.

————-

182 A

The Q of Ayaam is spread around, some in Iljaanak some in Quchangi.  We are q of Shumbul.  the real name is sunbul.  In early times, there were mardum-i xaarijii  sunbul.  In early times there was a house down as mouth of the sunbul near the Alaqadar, and they lived there and that daughter was named Sunbul.  It got its name from than girl.  It was very long ago, maybe 400 years ago. [Haim’s dictionary:  snbl “sombol”, Hyacinth, Nard].  But we reishsafeds heard that there a house was built and her name was sunbul, were from people of khaarij, in those days, took a place and made a house, then later our people came into here.

            These were people of khaarij, like your people, for example.  And these foreignors come and see the place and say this is such a nd such a place, from looking at a book.  Cause in those days people of kaarijis came here and lived here and came and went very long ago.  But these peole from abroad came and lived here.  Then the people fo the Hazarajat came and these people left, ran, I don’t know where, but left the country.  then when the Musulmans [came] they took the land.  This is what the muy safeds said.  Don’t know very clearly, but they were from Kaarij, they were in the saraay sang …?/?

 

——

Iqbal 7084 [Quchangi]

Before the Hajigak road was built people from Kalu came over the mt to Shibar to get a car to kabul.  They were more Koband.  Shibar was on the road, so easier to get to Kabul.

 

M17    Hist PS

            Shalezi wouldn’t let PS go so he asked the King.  The govt of Surkho Paarsaa asked about Khayr M.  Why he had gone with PS to give him trouble.

            In the time of Ikhtyaar:  in time of laki.  GF of MGH M. Ali Sardaar: and w friends.  These were from several places.  From at pass of Hajigak, in a place called Azaarqaash.  They took the wife of the King Abdul Rahman on this road.  Took all her stuff.  They let them go.  They took the woman and raped her.  200-300 men.  There may have been 100 men with the woman.  When she got to Kabul, the King ordered the leaders of this area to be brought to Kabul and jailed them, maybe 20 men, including Ikhtiyaar.  Then he fined them with a lak of Afghanis for ea of the leaders whom he jailed.  Also took M. Ali Sardaar (GF of MGH) and jailed him.  He was not a mir but was rich.  The King took the lak off from the people — althogether took maybe 10 laks.  the men who could paid their share.  those who couldn’t ran away and stayed away until A. R. died. and Habibullah became King, who forgave them of all of it, debt, etc.  They wen to Darusuf, Qataghan, Baghlan, Khanaabad.  they were there for 2, 3 years.  [NB, thus, the event took place, say, three years before death of AR, approximately 1897]  Habibullah called all them back and forgave them.  In those days the Ismailis were few and they didn’t stay with them [who?].  Rented houses, etc. and stayed away.  In those days all the Shias and Sunnis said bad things about the Ismailias and so few.  Ghaali / Ghalaa they called thenm, as a curse.  MGH’s F was Ismaili but his GF was not.

 

————

NB Yakawlang was center of resistance to AR, is called “kohband” cause of its snow.

 

 

—–

15-57 Bamian, Mir, Hist

Ali Yaawar is son of Ali Jaan-i Mosen Beeg-i Baaba Beeg-i Ashraf Beeg-i Qalandar Beeg-i Mir Muyuu Beeg …

he said his FF (MOsen Beeg) was so powerful a mir over all the area that whe he went to Bamian to the seat of governmetn he was accompanied by 100 men.  He did not show due respect to Amaanullah when he visited here, so Amanullah took him, jailed him, where he died, and moved his family (to mazar?).  then later the family came back.  Now Ali Yaawar is malik in Fulaati, but not over so many hhs, only about 300.

—–

 

———-

Saqaw

2-27  Khan Jaan, Kaakaa of MAJ

F:  Gholam Hasan-i Ali Sher-i Afghaan Beeg-i Khja Amir … > Aadil.

Khaan Jaan was in the time of Saqaw.  The B [M. Amin/Amir?] of Amanullah was travelling in Hazarajat to get people to support him.  Khan Jan was sent with money by the PS along with several others to help Amanullah.  They carried money in fomr of hard silver sewed in belts.  in those days 1000 afs weighed 20 lbs.  he was carry 2500 Afs, so 50 lbs of money on him.  the other were also the same.  he and they were someplace on the war near Unay Pass and while there eating tea, the people stole their horses.  They ran out and would have fught over this, but were overladen with their belts which of course they carried secretly.  They dared not make too great afuss lest it be discovered they had money.  So they gave up the horses.  Then someone came who was rich and said they could get their hoses back, cause were taken by thier servants and if they would ea pay 500 afs ea they could get horses back.  There was a big discussion over this among them, young men said no, but F of MGH who was older and more experienced said now could get them back and should do it.  So they did it.  The men took their money and the other followed in hopes of getting their horses [again?].  But when the got further away they turned thir guns on them and told them to leave.  So in the end lost both the horses and the 500 afs ea.  And did not help Amanullah. 

            In the days that followed the PS was chased all over .  The people of DehZangi stood with the PS and Ismailis against the Saqaw.  After this they returned to their place.  After Amanullah lost, they heard 600 men of Amanullahs army were coming to Shibar to join the resistance vs the Saqaw.  Only 300 of these reached Shibar.  The others were killed or ran away.  These stood with people of Shibar 9 months of trouble.  The Saqaw’s armies came several times.  They killed leaders in Shumbul and burned houses.  The people ran away. 

            The people of Shekh Ali at first stood vs the Saqaw, but finally gave up, surrendered.  Then they helped the Saqaw’s armies.  They were very dangerous cause knew the area of Shibar and knew who was rich, etc.  So they led armies into the razing of the Shibar areas.  They helped dig up the wealth hidden in the ground, etc. and nothing was left to anyone.  The people of Shekh Ali were mostly Shia.  Also the shias of Shibar gave up early so the Ismailis were left along to fight the Saqaw.  The shias of Daaki and other areas also made peace with Saqawis, so they caused much trouble.

 

 

—————-

14-3

The people of Chaarikaar and Qarabaagh area are still sore about the way the king Naader Shaa treated the Saqaw.  And Sayid Amin.  Saqaw was from Qarabaagh area, and Sayyed Amin from Charikaar.  Now, there are two sons of Sayyed Amin still living in Charikaar, they are big Khaans.  There are two sons of the Saqaw in Qarabagh, one a langowner and the other dewaan.  The government doesn’t bother them.

 

 

———————

June 26, 1967

1. Osayn (owner of school, large house, from Turughman) tells me that he knew Bache Saqaw before hge became King. Aaji was a wood seller in Charikaar at the time. Saqaw was aman who came into town a lot and visited with Aaji.  There was another man Sayyed ….[Amin?] who became Saqaw’s minister of war, who at this time was operating out of Charikar while Saqaw was working in Kah Daman.  They got started as robbers by gambling.  Got into trouble by losing.  Went out and stole or robbed for their money.,  They would take, say, 50,000 afs, then pay 10,000 to Haakim and 5,000 to Kunaandaan and then walk opening around in the town — couldn’t be touched.  They wore bandeliers and carried rifles over shoulder and a pistol on the belt.  Also a dagger.  Gradually they grew in strength and power and people began to follow them.  Then when he became strong enough (says Aaji) he said lets go take the throne.  After he took the throne people were put under his control  In Ghorband they went out to subject the people. In Turughmaan they ran into the hills and stayed.  Their homes were burned etc.  Eventually they came back.  The rishsafeds finally hoisted a flag and made peace.  There was a battle in the Unai Pass area led by the Saqaw’s army and the people of Behsud (wrote names elsehwere)  They fought, this way and that, and eventually Saqaws men had to give it up because in that time Nadir Shah came toward Kabul with his army.  Thus the Saqaw had to give up the Hazarajat and go back to Kabul.  they shot the Saqaw by firing squad.

 

 

—————-

16-27 

An old man 70-80 years old said with certainty that Naader Khaan (F of present King) killed Habibullah.  He and another old man, the Pushtun, told story of when Naader Shah took the throne, a famous general Gholam Nabi from Logar, who had been coming to kabul from Mazar with a force to protect Amanullah when he was abdicating, but who gave it up when they heard he ahd abdicated (from an airplane which dropped notes that said so ) — opposed Nadir’s keeping the throne, felt it belonged to Amanullah, he said, both you and I are Gholaam.  he had been offered a top generalship.  When refused, he was killed.  It was his servant’s son who killed Nadir Shah, the boy was hazara.

            Because of the number of Hazaras who supported Amanullah, ep those from Besut , some of the leading ones were made cols and generals in Nadir’s army.  But when Nadir was killed, all the army wa spurged of Hazaras.  many were jailed.  (This fits Nabi’s sotry re Nadir’s promise to some people to put Amanullah back on the throne, when he didn’t this general (Nabi) ran to peshawar wa spromised safety if returned, offered rank in army, then killed.  NB Nabi is from Ghazni, looks Hazara, clams to be Sunni.

 

———

Minorsky, Vladimir.  1982.  Medieval Iran and Its Neighbors.  London:  Variorum. 

Ch. II:  Some early documents in Persian (I). [orig. 1942.  J. of the Royal Asiatic Society.]

Ch III:  Some early documents in Persian (I). [orig. 1943.  J. of the Royal Asiatic Society.]

Some documents from Bamian dated c. 607/1211. 

            Doc A is most important.  VM 96: “characterizes the situation at Bamian under the local branc of the Shansabaanii princes of Ghor.”  Bamian was the locus of the rulership of one of three branches of the Ghor family [Ghazni and Firoz-koh being the others].  The Bamian domains included Tokharistan, Badakhshan and some territories to the north of the Oxus.

            Indicates that at time “infidels” still existed in the area, suggests that warfare against them was being carried on.  VM suggests that these might have been Qaraa-Khiaay tribesmen, whom he identifies as “remnants of the Liao rulers of China [who had] succeeded in founding a secdond kingdom at Blassaghun (near the Issiq-kul lake) and were victorious in their wars against the Muslim Qaraa-khaanids of Samarqand, the Seljuks of Khorasan, and the Khwaarazm-shaahs” [p.98].  At this time also “the princes were quarrelsom, disunited, and ready to invoke help from without.  Their amirs were ingriguing and exploiting the opportunities of their charges; their servants were courting thier master’s favours, gambling and oppressing the common folk.  Trade fumbled among obscure deals and only land was harnessed fast to the yoke of ancient law.”  We note that in particular the subjects of the ruler were expoloiting the peasants by monopolizing salt.

 

 

14-2  Old name for Bamian was Fanyaan, or Fanyaana (from 119 in Afghanistan, 1337 edition).

See Griesbach in Notes and Quotes, in time of A.R.  [could this be a ref to India Office Library source?  he is mentioned by Adamec, vol 1]

 

8-79

MAAB says that the government used to require much more than it does now in terms of labor and goods.  They took a lot of yuzum from Shibar to the Haakim of Bamian.  Now not so much of that.  He thinks things are better now than before.  They ask for wheat, etc.  The alaq says they pay 2 afs/naan.

 

16-10

[sayyed from valey before I reached SyaaKhaar Bulaaq in Fulaati]:  he said in the Saqaw year, the Saqaw’s men came and took all their flocks.  They themselves were in the Aylaaq when the men came.  And so they all ran away.  Others had said thir houses were burned,  but he didn’t mention it.

 

11-169

In Saal-i Saqaw Tajiks were for Saqaw and Hazaras were against him.  Tajiks were in dire trouble, nearly defeated.  Soon reinforcements came from kabul and quieted the Hazaras.

 

16-28

The Sayyeds of Fulaadi openly opposed the Saqaw.  Their houses were burend (friends from Ali yaawar’s village said), stayed on mts but one man in Ali Yaawar’s village put up the flag and stayed.  he save all the Hazaras.  When Nader Shah came he had to run for his life, but Nadir Shah knew they agreed to accept Saqaw under duress.

 

 

[Secret expansion of the Isma`ilis.]

(source??, Sayyed Anwar?:)  An early missionary to extend Isma`ilism outward from Kayan was Haydar Faqir, ??? a member of the Pir Sâheb’s family. He went to Kalu [a large populous valley that at that time was a least two days travel away from his native Kayan].  He converted some households there and went on to Shumbul, a day’s journey to the east, where he converted a few other households.  The households that converted had problems with their neighbors over this.  Families were divided, but eventually they became reconciled again, apparently without the Isma`ilis giving up their faith.

 

(An Isma`ili from Shumbul:)  People were Isma`ilis secretly because they were weak.  They intermarried freely among themselves but the Shi`as didn’t know about the Isma`ilis.  The Isma`ili women who married Shi`a taught their children secretly.

 

It was much later that the Isma`ili beliefs of these people became widely known, and it had near tragic consequences.  Here expand from file on Isma`ilism in Shumbul, etc.

 

 

 

THE FOLLOWING IS NOT ABOUT THE PIR BUT ABOUT DIVISIONS AMONG THE ISMAILIS

            The sectarian fighting in Shibar in the 1950’s

(My notes from a conversation with an elderly Isma`ili man named SarKhidâd in Kalu:) The general trouble was about 20 years ago.  It was true that people were Isma`ili secretly before that because they were weak.  They intermarried freely among themselves but the Shi`a [Imamis] didn’t know about the Isma`ilis.  The Isma`ili women who married Shi`a men taught their children the Isma`ili viewpoint secretly.  When the general trouble came up some years ago, there apparently were some women who ran away from their husbands ‑‑ not in Shibar but in Turughman ‑‑ because they were discovered to be Isma`ili.  There apparently was a lot of trouble for Isma`ilis in Turughman because there are only a few of them there, in comparison with the Imamis.  So they are troubled a lot there.  The Isma`ilis in the provinces always suffer more than in the city because people in the provinces can make trouble with the government for them.  They can make complaints against them and if they are strong enough they can force them out [presumably by the high costs involved in the dispute].

            Sakhidad said his mother was Imami and his father Isma`ili.  In those days they didn’t pay much attention to the difference and they didn’t care.  They married across sectarian lines freely. 

 

            Early dispute between Isma`ilis and Shi`as in Turughman

There was a fight between Isma`ilis and the Shi`a [Imamis] about 10 years after the Saqaw [i.e., about 1939] in Turughman.  There were 5 mirs [chiefs] there then.  Only a few houses were Isma`ili.  The Khalifa [representations of the Isma`ili pir] there was Manucher and he was trying to start trouble between the groups and the sects in order to increase Isma`ilism, but the Pir Sâheb finally was upset and changed him.  The people argued on Manucher’s behalf and told the Pir Sâheb that they wanted only him [to be their Pir].  The Pir Sâheb said that he was not soliciting followers.  If they wanted Manucher they would have to go.  They took Manucher.

 

            Isma`ili ‑ Shi`a intermarriage

Sakhidad’s father died fairly early and his other 2 brothers are no longer Isma`ilis;  His father and father’s  father were Isma`ilis but his two brothers are not.  They became Shi`a through marriage with Shi`a girls.  The father was alive when one of them married, but not when the other married.  Now they don’t have much to do with Sakhidâd.  But because of their relationship one brother’s son came and asked for his daughter.  Because of religion he and his wife refused.  Now, since the public fight [in about 1952] they don’t give [them] their daughters in marriage.  He claims his son went back to Shumbul for his military registration.  His qariadâr [local representative to the government] is Mir Gholam Hasan [an Isma`ili] but the Wakil Sâheb [the representative of the Shi`a in the same area] also helps him.

 

            Shi`a‑ Isma`ili sectarian disputes

In the old days Sakhidad claims the mirs were glad for the trouble between the sectarian groups because they got paid for settling them.  Usually the mirs were friendly with each other.  Mir Mowladad and Mir Khalifa (father of Mir Ahman Jan) were quite friendly.

 

            More on Shi`a‑ Isma`ili sectarian disputes

(Notes on a trip to Kalu:)  For a while, until recently (that is, in the last 2 years) the Isma`ilis were free of trouble.  But before that they had trouble.  They had to be secretive about their religion.  Now also they are open, but they are having trouble.

 

 

            Qorban also said the khatib has not come around for many years.  He used to examine people on the creed, the five obligations — fast, ahlms, prayers, pilgrimage, and creed.  But he could say nothing to Ismailis because they always gave the right answers.  (N.B.  this was probably before the Ismailis came out in the open.)  He said the Shias have Khalifas who collect the Shia tax.  The Sayyed from Iraq valley was a Khalifa who had come to collect khums from the Asnâashars.  It is possible that the Khalifas had not come before this time and that it was the first and the Ismailis (who were secretly paying their tithes) rebelled.  He said they had been paying the money to Wakil Sayb — 10% — before this.  Also, couldn’t recall whether  no one at all had collected the tithe before.  The mullah who collected the tithe was Shâ Sayed (of Iraq) and stayed with the house of Sayyed Qâdir (?) — of Dahan-i Wulâytak.

 

            (4-60) Mulla Gh. Reza pointed out that the shias and Ismailis are on fairly good terms.  He said they are still related and marry sometimes — so things are not so bad.  Also the [sharing of the] chopân (shepherd) is not necessary for only the sect.   They may share one chopân from on village.

            Note [same page]:  Lâl Muhammad denies all this.  He says there is no cooperation among the Ismailis and Shias.  Gh. Reza (Mulla) seems to be trying to smooth things over.  In his relations with Khdâdâd over the animals eating his lalma [lalmi], he was very tactful, maybe too much so.  He seemed to joke rather harshly on Khdâdâd, as if he were joking, but were [was] in fact making snide remarks (perhaps). 

 

Social relations in early Bamian, +/- 19th and early 20th c.

Marital relations

(4-62)  Lâl Muhammad married a girl who was 13 — is now 30 [i.e. 17 years ago].  And in that time there was only one sect in Shumbul — went to Kotal-i-Shibar to a mulla who said nekâ there.  His mir then was the brother of Wakil Sayb.  Later he says it was Wakil Sayb.

 

Note that a number of marriages between these groups took place prior to the 15-17 years ago fight . . . of Mirzâ Ali (Ismaili) from Lâl Muhammad — his land went to his daughters who married males in ???? darya. [cf.  Shumbul, Musâferbây], also 3-14, 3-12,13.

 

Early Cultural practices, religion

            IN SHIBAR

 

 

                    cultural practice in 1940s +/-:  Shibar

When Hashem was a child, he remembers eating dirt from the grave of the father of Sayed Mubarak shâ, after he died, many people went there as a zyârat [shrine].  When the kids were sick, they took dirt from the grave and fed it in spoons (like castor oil) to get them well.  They also went to the grave of Manzar Shâh which is in Khâk Mushak.  Then this all stopped because P.S. wrote against it — argued against it.  Hakim [the younger brother] did not eat this dirt.  They apparently dropped these things and Zyârats and tumâr at the same time.  They dropped Tumâr, zyârat, eating dirt of zyârat, pâl (i.e. fortune-prophecy), 14 or 15 years ago, suddenly and completely.

 

Early Pirs

Masson says [where??] that a Sayyed Shah Abbas was a Pir in Birgilich, and was pir of the Sheikh Alis.

 

Early Mirs

arbâb kabir

Mir Abbas was mir of Kâlu and Shibar, [he] was in the time of Abdul Rahman.  He was very cruel.  I don’t remember who was before him.  Then there was Gholâm Haydar, the father of Gholâm Rasul.  Mir Zafar was in Dân-i Gharghara.  Then [after him? there] was Mir Baxtiâri. 

            In the time of Mir Abbas all of Kâlu and Shibar were under him.  People killed him because he was very cruel.  He explained to us, and the people.  After Mir Abbas was Gholam Haydar.  He was also in Kâlu.  Also there was Mir Zafar.  After Mir Abbas was killed, Shibar and Kâlu became separate, [they] had separate Mirs.  At the time of Mir Abbas, Ikhtyâr was in Shibar.  He was liked, was mir for many, many years.  After him was Murâd Ali, who lived in Birgilic.  Then there was Mir Gurs Ali, then Mir Gholâm Ali.  Then Gholâm Mâmad, Mir Mowladâd.  He was the mir of all of Shibar.  My grandfather, Mir Gurz Ali, was mir before that.  He was in Bulola.  Irâq was under him, too.  The arbâbs in Irâq then were Mirza Faiz Ali, Arbâb Ali Mâd, and before that they had others:  Mir Zânu, Mâmad mir.  Mir Zânu was in Irâq, Mâmad Mir in Irâq was my FFF.  And Mir Abbas’s daughter had hit his hand when they went from Shibar to him.  When they were coming, she hit him and cut his finger.  Then Shibar hit Mir Abbas and killed him.  She was in the house because her foot hurt, then she saw that 1000 men from Shibar have come to us.  At first my ancestor, Mâmad Amir, was going to kill him, then the girl hit him and then the others came and killed him (Abbas).  A thousand men came against him.  He had some body guards, but not nearly as many.  The sons were killed in ??     of Irâq.  The sons ran away, hoping the people wouldn’t be so much against them, but the people didn’t let any male live from Mir Abbas.  Mir Abbas was not a descendant of Mir Zafar.

            His daughters were left alive,          His daughters were left alive, and through them he has grandchildren but no sons.  They were killed in Shina of Irâq.  After that the mirs of Shibar and Kâlu were separate.  But then whoever did well, like Baxtyâri, he took Irâq, Daki, then also Birgilic, Ghandak and Jalmish, and he was mir of Kâlu.

            When Mir Abbas was killed, naturally some of the people of Kâlu were angry, but they couldn’t do anything, because so many rose up against him.  Then Gholâm ayaday [Haydar?] or Mir Zafar were in Kâlu at that time.  In Shibar was Mir Gorz Ali.  Baxtyâri was in the time of Mir Gholam Ali Beg.  Then Mir Murâd Ali gave up the miri for Mir gholam ali beg, because he said he was more informed, wise. 

            Then when he died Mir Mowladâd became mir — i.e. when my grandfather died then Mowladâd became mir, then Mir gholâm M., then by alliance, agreement the mirs were changed [i.e. must refer to an informal concensus].  Also in the time of Mir Gholâm M., my kâkâ [Mir Ahmad Ali Beg?] was mir for one year.  They changed by itifâq — by agreement, concensus.  Then my kâkâ was not happy, because if you are going to go to Mir Gholâm M. then don’t come to me anymore — I won’t be your mir.  When people became aligned [basta] to him he tries to become mir, and [to make] the other not to be mir.  One year my father was mir, then my kâkâ, then Mir mowladâd, then Mir gholâm M. beg.  Then in the days of Mir gholâm M. beg, my Kâkâ stood up for one year, he was miri in Bulala, then went to Irâq and did miri.  Mir gholâm M. was under the hand of my grandfather [Bakhtiari?] then he took my mother.  My kâkâ [MAAB] gave her to him.  Her father wouldn’t give her to him, because he felt my kâkâ should take her [because he was the brother of her first husband, after his decease].  If you don’t take him, he told her, then you should stay at home.  But my mother wouldn’t agree to him.  Over this Baxtyâri was upset with Mir alamad ali beg.  He was still living.  The father, Arbâb Ali baxsh, came for pershraw [peyshraw? purshis {question, asking}?] to ask her to take him as husband.  At that time I was small and in Kâlu, 5 or 6.  When they married, I was 7 or 8.  After that Mir gholâm M. ran away, avoiding Mir baxtyâri.  That it was bad for his name that they didn’t marry — or she didn’t marry — according to his orders.  My uncle [MAAB] became mutafiq with him, and then he gave her to Mir gholâm M.  My kâkâ [MAAB] had the first right over her and wanted her, but she would not agree.  Then he gave her ba dista to father of MAJ [Mir Gholam M.].  If he hadn’t agreed, then they couldn’t have taken her.  The father of him [her? i.e. Arbab Ali Bakhsh] was also a help; he also took some money.  And the father took money.  Later on I fought with them, because they had sold her to them.  Maybe they took 1000 or 2000 — got it from Mir gholâm M.

            When a man dies, his brother has the first right to the wife.  But she has to agree, if she doesn’t then it isn’t done. 

Mir gholâm M. before he took her, he was a Mir, but didn’t have a big following.  After he took her, he got a lot of aqyat/asyat, because he had the daughter of Mir baxtyâri.  The point is that I should get a wife from some nâmdâr from a motabar person.  To get a wife from a man who moves around the country, who is informed, famous, etc. 

Mir Gholâm M. had two other wives.  They were not famous people, they were from his own gawm.  They were alive when he took her.  But this woman was fâmida, could do everything, was the daughter of a nâmdâr and was jawân.  She also can read and write.

            N.B. This man [Mullah Hosayn?] is xwârzâda of her. (i.e. his mother is sister of Mulla Hosayn.  Since MAJ’s mother is daughter of Mir Baxtyâri, he is xwârxâda of her.)

            Then I was nâsâz with Mir Gh.        Then I was nâsâz with Mir Gh. M. for some years, because he had taken my mother.  If I had been grown, and not small, he couldn’t have taken her.  Even if his place had not been far away, I wouldn’t have given her to him.  I didn’t want him.  Only my uncle gave her to him.  (my kâkâ mâkâ, i.e. others were involved — the prior right of the husband’s qawm?)  The kâkâ of Mir Ahmad Ali [Beg].  They agreed among themselves.  The wife herself did not marry (anyone in the qawm(?)), so “Come, let us give her to him”.  The uncle of this (?) came and said I am your muzdur [servant], your deeqân [farm laborer].

            Then came uzur K. to house of mâdarmâd (?) — men and women.  They came heads bare, uzur K. to our house.  That you should please not fight with us.  Then we became sâz with them.  They said they will give us two daughters, so that you will be sam with us.  Don’t fight with us.  We became sam with them, but we didn’t take their daughter.  The people that were on their side were all of shibar.  These people who came sar lutch were from the Q. of âdil from quchangi.  They came to bulola, to our house.  Then they gave me a chapan and a horse.  They were going to give me two girls.  One of these was the mother of Hashem and there was another of them, child of her kâkâ.  But I said I didn’t want them, I had not râai with them.  I said, other than my own mother, I won’t take anyone else.  She was herself happy to be there.  She was herself happy to be there.  She told herself that she had left these (girls?) for me.  You should take them, but I wouldn’t take them. 

            Then he became very big.  Over all of shibar, to Irâq, but not ghandak.  At that time Mir baxtyâri was over ghandak.  Mir baxtyâri brought me to Kâlu because he liked me a lot.  My kâkâ [MAAB] became motafiq with them.  He wanted to take her himself but she wouldn’t.  After this, for one year Mir âmad ali beg was mir of shibar, but for only one year.  Then after that, Mir gholâm M. became Mir.  Somehow he got the people to him.  He [Mir] G.M. did fishâr.  He did something with the government.  He turned the people to himself.  There was no fight over this.  The kâkâ didn’t fight over this.

Mir mowladâd was a mir in the time of Mir âmad ali beg, but he was basta with him.  My uncle did everything, he was basta with him.  He helped my uncle.  Then after that, Mir mowladâd became (mir), then Mir gholâm M., then after that my kâkâ again.  When Mir Gholâm M. was mir, Mir moladâd did not help him, but his people were with Gh. M.  My kâkâ told him not to allow it (him? i.e. Gh. M.?), the kâkâ said he was not happy with Gh. M.  Then he beitifiqi namekad, ke mâ yak ismâyeli asteem.  And Mir mowladâd was not ismailia. (hic.  He had the hickoughs).  The sects were already known.  Mir mowladâd did not help Mir Gh. M. at all and also did not betifâqi k.  He said that this (person?) should be it.  Your father was (mir) before, before you, and he should also be it now.  But he didn’t agree, so he mutafiq girift with him (?).  Moladâd did.  Mir mowladâd was mir before, too, after my father Arbab Ali Bakhsh], and also was after my kâkâ [MAAB].  Then Gh. M. xest, and told my kâkâ to do miri again, and he didn’t — but if he had also xest, there would have been a fight, and he couldn’t have won.  Then there were two mirs.  Some people took him.  Then uwâ beitifâqi nakard.  He said beitifâq  meshem.  i.e.  We will be disunited if I also xest.  The asnaâshar are only a few — 200 – 300 households.  But they, the sayids of Birgilich, were bast on the side of Mir Gh. M. 

            My father, gurz ali, was Ismaila.  He was strong, so the asnâshar could not say anything.  In those days, people would say they were murid of sayid so and so, most of them said they were murid of sayid -i- kayân.  People didn’t know much about maslak in those days.  From the days of his fathers, the sayid -i-kayân was the most famous.  Others were just gadaygars, who were hungry, etc.  Also the sayids of Birgilich had their followers, too, and they later nashud (i.e. it didn’t work out for them.)  Later, they had a dispute with Mir Gh. Mâmad over who was to be Mir — was not over sect — they were for Mir mowladâd.   Some people went with Mir mowladâd, but many were for Mir Gh. M.  Those who supported Mir mowladâd were from everywhere.  From shumbul, jolâ, only a few from Birgilich, if any.  There were 100 houses in jolâ.

Mir Gh. M. died still young and vigorous.  After he died, they took one of his brothers to the Mir, then my uncle [MAAB] — the brother they took was barât ali, and my uncle was Mir âmad ali beg.  Mir Gh. M. died almost 20 years ago.  After he died, Mir mowladâd also xest, but he died, then we took MAJ.  He was our brother to us.  He also told Mir âmad ali beg that he was as a father to him.  He came and kissed his hand, and kissed his face, out of friendship.  He was a good boy to xest.

 

Bakhtiaari’s time

            Kalu-at Mir Nasir

            An old man talked with has said a lot about bakhtyâri I didn’t understand. 

            ¨ Mir Bakhtyâri had a dispute over maliki over [with?] the people for two years.  It must have been serious.  In the end the other pretender was put in jail until his death.  Bakhtyâri was Ismaili secretly if he was one.  The other was asnâshar.  After this fight, Bakhtyâri visited Kayân to see P.S. and acknowledged his superiority. 

            ¨ In those days, people couldn’t come out openly regarding their Ismaili faith.  Ismailis couldn’t survive in the army if they said they were Ismaili.  They had to go around in groups of ten or more to be safe.  They began to be more open about their Ismaili faith in the time of Nâdir shâ khân.

 

early [secret] advance of Ismailism

Pâynd Ali (of âdil), servant of Jean Selch

            Said in early days of Ismaili in Shibar there were several mullas who began to teach for Ismaili.  They did it only carefully — secretly — only to people they could trust, who really were friends.  They changed ideas of a few people — 2 or three to five — and they met to discuss these things, but only secretly.  They never told about themselves.  Then 30 or 40 years ago, the P.S. openly said he was Ismaili and was for âqâ khân.  In Shumbul one of the most effective mullas was Abdul the FF of âkhund aslam.  Also FF of Mubârakshâ.  Eventually, they changed a lot of people to Ismaili in their areas.

 

early Islmailis in Shumbul

early Islmailis in Shumbul

(An elder from Shibar, MGH).  In our place now we are all Ismaili.  When my father became Ismaili the whole of Pusht-i Mazar [his village] became Ismaili.  Qalaa-i Mullah [another village] were Ismaili before Pusht-i Mazar — maybe twenty years earlier than us.  Our Khalifa was Mullah Baabay the father of Mullah Gholam.  In a few places there were a few [Ismaili] houses scattered among the other [Shi`a] houses.  In those days we troubled these people a lot — said bad things abou them … Eventually we all became Ismaili.  These early Ismailis were probably close, or well known, to the Pir Saheb.  Mullah Bâba Bây — in our childhood we called him Mullah Bâba.

 

(An elder from Shibar).  When Pusht-i Mazar [his village] became Ismaili it was 70 years ago, maybe.  The Pir Saheb was Timur Shah.  He had not visited there.  Travel was difficult then — only by horseback.  In those days few people could see the Pir Saheb, but the masjid was there [in Kayan].  The Pir Saheb’s grandfather built the masjid.  Their homeland is in Iran.  At first they came to Khawât [in Besud?], then moved to Kayân.  At first only old people knew the origin [of the pir’s family] was Iran and that they were pirs.  Then more and more people began to see that they were.  Maybe the Pir Saheb knows his family’s descent.  The Pir Saheb and the Aga Khan are both descendants of Ali, but through the main line of Ali; the Aga Khan is from bigger people than the Pir.

 

(An elder from Shibar).  Mullah Bâba [in Qala-ey Mullah].  These people had become Ismailis many years before [his vilage].  Their livelihood was better than that of many others.  It is likely that their prosperity helped induce the people of Pusht-i Mazar [his village] to become Ismailis.  The other people in Shumbul, many of them, had already become Ismailis [before Pusht-i Mazar]. 

 

(Sayyed Sarwar Shah of Ghojurak).  His father was Shah Gholam Hosayn-i Sayyed Mirza [of Ghojurak].  He was Khatib [therefore was also mullah for Pusht-i Mazar years ago] for the Qâzi, but was not so official; he said the nekâ [marriage cermony] and made people keep up the mosques.  He was himself Ismaili.  Everyone feared the Qâzi; he could jail them, hit them with a durra [a studded belt used for punishment].  He was the only one who could do that, not the Governor even, not the subgovernor.

 

(Gholam Rasul, brother of Mir Gholam Hasan).  In the old qalâ [fort, at the mouth of Shumbul], there was a school there.  Pusht-i Mazar had a mullah, Shah Gholaam Hosayn [the Khatib], son of Sayyed Mirza, son of Sayyed Khojaa) in Ghojurak.  His sons are there now.

 

Pattern of pirs / saints services and veneration in early Bamian

(Mullah Sidiq, a man from Shibar, and had worked in Kabul for several years).  Shah Ali Shah was a leader of the Ismailis in Jawzaar above Birgilich.  He was the father of Sayyed Mubarak Shah.  he was not the pir but did piri [pir’s work].  That is people came to him when they were in need and when sick, and he gave ta`wîz for sick children.  [Also] Shaan Shaah was a religious leader of the Asnaa`ashariya.  He did piri work.  He and Shah Ali Shah both lived to be a hundred.  He also gave ta`wîz.  Sayyed Timur Khân was brother of the the Pir Saheb and the previous Pir Saheb [of the Ismailis].  Also, the brother before him was Sayyad Gawar Khân.  He was another previous pir.

 

(From my notes).  A man told me that Sayyed Ghazanfar Shah came here about thirty years ago [c. 1937].  He is from the Sayyeds of Ghazni.  Another voluteered about the same amount of time.  One wonders if it could have been about the time  of the assassination of Nadir Shah by a Hazara from the Ghazni area.  Sayyed Ghazanfar Shah himself came here.  His Father died in Ghazni.  His father’s father died in Bamian and a large tomb to him, built by Sayyed Ghazanfar Shah, is high on a hill.  People couldn’t remember his name. 

 

Current attitudes toward pirs, absence of great pirs now

(From my notes).  There was a long discussion on pirs one night with Nur Ahmad and the Qariador of the village at Kahmard.  The Qariadaar said their pir is Aakhundzâda of Qarabaagh in Kohdaman.  This is really his son now.  The old man is dead and his son is not so good as his father.  This seems to be true of most of the old pirs who were so strong and famous.  … Both Nur Ahmad and the Qariadaar agreed that the Naqib Saheb [deceased in 1947] was really a true pir.  They also agreed that the old Hazrat of Shor Bazaar was a real pir, but he is gone now too.  The real pirs are gone now; they are a thing of the past, they said.

 

(From my notes).(From my notes).  Pirs are not sending out Khalifas as they did  before.  They are collecting themselves, or their close relatives are.  For example:  Pir Saheb, Aaghany Abdullah, and the Pir from Qarabaagh.

 

Pirs in Bamian area and changes in their collection system

The Sayids of Birgilich

            Shânshâ was the first pir

            âmatshâ (was his brother) and successor

            Sayid yâqut shâ

            N.B. Hashem lungi-syâ story

            now:  dârâshâ is the man in shikâri who givess tumâr

 

***************

 

From the servant of Jean Selch:

            The king of Egypt and the Imam of Ismailis, mustansir-i-billâ, sent shânâsir-i-khisraw to Badakhshân to convert Ismailis.  He converted many in the area — even to as far as Bukhârâ — where there were many who became Ismailis.  Shânâsir was sayid of Ilawi.  He was pir of Badakhshân.  He lived 500+ years ago.  In this area there have been many Ismailis.  Khârukh and Dawâz, Dushanbe, Kolâb, and Bukhârâ had many who believed.

 

 

Hazarajat in mid-twentieth century:  ethnic composition

 

Schurmann, H.F.  The Mongols of Afghanistan.  Mouton & Co, 1962.

 

(pp. 76-77)  Although they [Tajiks] closely resemble the Hazâras, many of whom inhabit the same region, they differ from them in a number of respects.   For example, all the semi-nomadic Tadjiks we questioned indicated they were Sunnites, whereas most of the Hazâras in this region are either Shi’ite or Isma’ilite.  Unlike the Bâmiyân Tadjiks who are completely sedentary, these semi-nomadic Tadjiks of the Därá-i Sikârî have a tent culutre.  Were it not for their Persian speech, one would immediately assume them to be Turks.

 

Schurmann, H.F.  The Mongols of Afghanistan.  Mouton & Co, 1962.

 

(p.84)  The informants stated that of these villages Fûlâdî, south of Bâmiyân and entirely populated by Hazâras, was the largest with 1000 households, and Fâtmästî was the smallest with 15 households.  The informants stated that, according to government statistics, there are about 7000 households in the Bâmiyân region.

 

 

****NOTE:  Reread article on Bamian, III. Modern Town and District, by Planhol, from the Encyclopedia of Iran.

 

Bamian and Shibar in 1960s

1960s:  spatial patterns in Bamian: 

Those of us in this village see the pir of Paghman as the great pir.  In some other villages around here, people believe in the pir of Logar (a moderately well educated man in Bamian.)

In Ghandak, the people are Tajik, but there are no Tajiks in Shibar.  But the pir of the Tajiks is the Hazrat.  The Pushtuns have Aakhundzâda.  They are like the sayyeds.  They are godly and knowledgable. (Ismaili elder in Shibar.)

The pir of Ahangaran, Topchi Mulayan, and Taybuti lives in Istalif.  He is an âlem.   All these places are Tajik places. (notes from conversation with Tajiks in Bamian.)

Besides the Hazaras, there are some [Ismaili] goldsmiths from the eastern province and some Hindus and some Tajiks. (notes from conversations with Ismailis.)

 

                    Ethnic categories and sectarian identities in Bamian

The Ismailis and the Imamis here don’t speak to each other.  The Ismailis are very silent (chap).  This has been for 15 or 20 years.

 

Note:  See on eating patterns and separation of the sects in 8-69 in Schism, fission file.

 

The relations with the Imamis aren’t good anymore.  If we want to borrow from them, they would send us away and tell us to go to our own kind.  (Ismaili elder in Shibar)

 

Now each side is firm.  Neither side can change.  Each year a few change, but from being Imami to Ismaili — not the other way.  The ones who change are more sensible; the ones who are ignorant remain Imami.  (An Ismaili elder in Shibar)

 

M5  In Shumbul half are Jamâti; half asnaashari

In Jolâ all are ashnashari

Awlâd-i mir :  all ashna ashari

aashur:  half ashna ashari and half jamaati

dila:  all jamaati

kaaka:  one third asna ashari, two thirds jamaati

 

Some Tajiks in Ghandak are not related; this is a large place.  2000 people beyond Bulola, Sunni [“tassenno” = sunni]

 

In Shumbul:  1/3 asnaashar; 2/3 Ismailia

 

Haydar Baay

5 or 6 children [see list somewhere else]

These are asnaashar qawms:

Wulaytak

Khudaqaa

Jameli

Each qawm has its land separately; h is sep; land ownership is sep.

 

Some places the q. is split between religions

q of Ghlam ali [at top of Shibar]

q of Daaki

 

If most are Ismailia, then one of these is arbaab; they give arbaab to another qawm.

 

The iron smiths are Arabs but they are not Sayyed.  Usually they are only artisans.  They are Ismaili in Iraq, Shumbul, Daki, Birgilich and Sheikh Ali.  They are Imamis in Jola and Ghulam Ali. (notes on a conversation with an elder in Shibar.)

 

Gilkârs:  2 (for Ismailis)

Ghojurak

Iljânak

1 in Joolâ (for Asnâshars)

                    Lack of communication between sects

Boy in Bulola explained that Ismailis and Asnâshars don’t speak to each other — as I observed also.  “They are very chop with us.”  This has been for 10-15-20 years.

 

(8-69) NB.  The eating patterns separating the sects keep fellowship at a minimum.  Meals in which people eat at each others’ houses became communication centers for people — but centers which have limited lines across the sects.  Relatives and ampirâ stay in each others houses when they move around for economic purposes.  Man from Kâlu working for wheat stayed at house of Mir âmad Ali Beg — because same sect.  In this way they learn about each others’ relatives and sectarian arguments, and news about the P.S., etc.

The relations [of Ismailis] with the asnâshars are not good.  If they want to borrow from them, they would send away and tell them to go to their own kind.

(4-60) Mulla Gh.

Reza pointed out that the shias and Ismailis are on fairly good terms.  He said they are still related and marry sometimes — so things are not so bad.  Also the [sharing of the] chopân (shepherd) is not necessary for only the sect.   They may share one chopân from on village.

Note [4-60]: Lâl Muhammad denies all this.  He says there is no cooperation among the Ismailis and Shias.  Gh. Reza (Mulla) seems to be trying to smooth things over.  In his relations with Khdâdâd over the animals eating his lalma [lalmi], he was very tactful, maybe too much so.  He seemed to joke rather harshly on Khdâdâd, as if he were joking, but were [was] in fact making snide remarks (perhaps).

 

History of Shunbul Ismailism

                    Early Khalifa of Ismaili pir

(M82)         The father of MGH had a few animals, like now.  The father got a wife from Bulola.  He was Ismaili before the marriage, but she was not Ismaili before the marriage.  He was quite young when he became Ismaili.  When his brother became Ismaili, he became one.  The older brother was only four or five years older.  His brother at that time was arbâb.  MGH’s father was doing farming.  When the older brother was 15-18 he became Ismaili.  They all did it together.  Their father was very rich.  The Mir was Mir Mowladâd.  He was asnâshar [shi`ite], his kâkâ the arbâb was Ismaili.  The first in his qawm to become Ismaili was Hâji Sayed âhmad.  Sayed Mâhmad became the khalifagiri of Mazâri-sharif.

Eventually he gathered so much for himself that he was released by the pir.  That is, the P.S. Timur shâh khân.  These two brothers were both from Pusht-i Mazâr.  They were farmers.  They didn’t have a lot of land.  The other members of the qawm became very angry with them.  They said, even if they were killed they wouldn’t change their beliefs.  They were beaten and threatened.  Their wives were not against them.  They were also Ismaili.  Sayed Mâhmad became very rich as a khalifa.  The wife had agreed with him, whatever they did.  When they (the husbands)  became Ismaili, the wives became Ismaili, with all of the children.  Altogether it may have been 40 or 50 men in their quawm.  In those days, they were all in the one qalâ.

 

Life in early part of this century and earlier

In those days a family lived in one room with all its animals.  In one qalâ, there were ten families in it.  The houses were the following:

1. Mâmâ (kâkâ of MGH)
2. Bâba Beg (father of MGH)
3. Akbar
4. Murâd Ali
5. M. Hakim
6. M. Hosayn
7. M. Amir
8. M. Alam
9. Bozar
10. Salmân
11. Zangâl

Next to this was another qalâ.  These two qalâs were there from the beginning.  In this qalâ:

1. Khalifa Sayyed M.
2. Hâji Sayyed âhmad
3. Mirzâ Ali (who was named as one of two Mullâs in times before)
4. Rustam
5. Bargili
6. âhmad Ali
7. Sayyed Ali
8. Gholam M.
9. Metar (he was from Besud.  Married a woman there and lived there.)

When they became Ismaili, Khalifa Sayyed M. was 40.  Sayyed âhmad was 45 — no they were younger, maybe 15 or 20 when they became Ismaili.  Khalifa Sayyed M. was a Khalifa for P.S. before he returned to Pusht-i Mazar.  It was then that there was trouble concerning them being Ismaili.  Later, the mullâs came and read books — the Khalifa and the mullâ — Mullâh Bâba, who was from Qalâ-i Mullâh.

Sayyed M. was in Mazar-i Sharif until age 15.  His father had been from Shumbul.  He had left his father when he was 7 or 8 years old and went to Mazar.  He became a student in a bakery (a nânbây) when he was about 12 years old.   He was there 2 or 3 years.  After this the P.S. made him a Khalifa.  He told him to collect the tithes from all Ismailis of Mazar.  There were only maybe 20 or 30 houses.  He was to bring money to the P.S.  There was no Khalifa before this.  Maybe before that the P.S. had sent someone else.  He was Khalifa for about 5 years.  In the sixth year, he took a wife.  He spent all the tithe money for the woman.  So P.S. released him.  The womam was from Mazâr — her lineage was from Besut.

After getting the wife, he moved to Shumbul back up to Pusht-i Mazâr.  His father was not living.  Sayyed M. maybe left because his father beat him or his father may have not gotten clothes for him.  He went alone.  Along the way, he may have done work as a donkey or camel driver.  When he returned to Pusht-i Mazâr the trouble was for a year.  (Sayyed M. came back to Shumbul because his land was there.)  The brother stood with him.  The brother was older and had become Ismaili before — I don’t know why.  Probably he was afraid and was a secret Ismaili.  When the younger brother came, they stood out [came forth] as Ismaili.  Then all the rest of the qawm was angry at them.

Then the mullâ bâbây (from Qalâ-i Mullâ) came and sat with the qawm — 2 or 3 people came and said these 2 brothers were on the right way.  They should accept them.  They read and talked to them — were with them for two days.  The trouble was for about one year.  Then in 2 or 3 days it was finished.  They were all quiet.  This was from the book.  It said this was better than Asnâshar.  Mullâ bâbây was Ismaili and all his ancestors since a long time before.  They were Ismaili for two generations back.  From a long time ago, they were Khalifa also.

The Asnâshar in those days were taking money.  They took one Afghani out of five (for tithe).  They have Mujta’id (this is now âqâ-i Ali âhmad).  In those days, they didn’t have a Mujta’id.  In those days, someone collected the money and bought a cow or sheep and killed them in front of masjid (the mosque).  The money was not forced from them.

In their group, they read the books and people cried among themselves.  The person who collects the money is a mullâ — sent by the âqâ-i Mujta’id.  In the present, this is collected at the time of the harvest.  The mullâs may be relatives of the Mujta-id or maybe just a learned person.  The Mullâ is from the place of the mujta-id.

In those days, the Mullâs of the Mujta’id got the money and carried it to the Mushta`id.  There was a masjid, that is a mosque, in each village.  Each qawm had its own masjid.  For each masjid, a family of mullâs were in charge of the masjid.  In time of harvest, the farmers paid the tithe to the family.  They collect the money and got quite a lot.  They were ususally rich.  In the early days, P.M. had no mullâ.  Among themselves they collected money, they bought a cow, killed it and ate it in the name of God.  The elders were in charge of collection.  The extra money was in the hands of the elders.  These were M. Alam and Mirzâ Ali.  They collected the money and paid for the worship ceremony.  The masjid was from a long time before.  The people together had built it and it is still there.  MGH’s grandfathers had built it.  In dispute over Ismailism, these two elders were perhaps more outspoken against Ismaili.  The Mir and Arbâb are separate from those leaders who are religious leaders.

 

They are separate because there is too much work for one man.  Hâji Sayyed âmad:  he was a Ismaili and went on the hâj.

 

Ismaili beliefs – pir teaching against ziarats

Shia Story–Fission

We don’t believe in zyârats, don’t believe in going there to pray to get blessings.  As long as the P.S. is alive has strength [we can go to him], but after he is dead, [there is] no possible help to give us.  Why have a zyârat?  The others kiss hands of a Pir and touch their faces to his hands to get blessings.  But our P.S. won’t give his hand to anyone.  Only sometimes our people kiss hands and his sons as endearment.

 

1. said in qurân. The P.S. shows from qurân that zyârats are not right. We accept the books of 4 groups:  qurân, the New Testament of Jesus, the book of David, and the ??torât?? of Moses.  Zyârats have no value, P.S. said.  You are better than those thingss.  You have made them.

 

We destroyed the zyârats.  Before, the people who were ??mullâhs?? of these zyârats were very rich.  We destroyed them and let go the mullâhs.  We had one near our village.  I was 20-30 years old.  We then used to have 10 degs — great big ones — cooking the sheep cows we killed.   Everyone ate them at that time.  We would collect from each hh. maybe 200 [afs] at each house, then bought a cow or two sheep; then killed them at the shrine.

 

We do this as a custom.  We all gathered after eating and prayed — dawâ — (not namâz).  Prayed to the shrine that as it was great, it should implore God to forgive us of our sins.  Not pray for crops — because nature happens in crops.  Mullâh Khodâynazzar.  He had a farm.  His only job was to sweep out the shrine and the mosque, gathered the horns, and built the deg dâns.

 

 

 

 

 

=================

Problem in Bamian:  spatial patterns

Notes: Labmushak

 

The point of the case:  The broad history of group division

1. The contemporary situation

            — in Shibar

            — in ??Labuushak??

2. The existing marital ties and the patterns of war that show a shift in alignment of groups
3. The history of fission in ??Labuushak??

            — early history of area

            — the later division

            — the fight

            — the result and current ????

4. The point of the case resumed

 

Final Chapter

Show that within this frontier zone internal tensions between kinsmen erupts as social factions, not elsewhere possible, by desccribing its social history.

1. The early history of religious sects and factions and

               history of the pirs

1. The Ramazan etc. fight
2. The resultant fragmented condition
3. The recent intra-Ismaili dispute
4. Manucher — P.S. in Kayân
5. Mausur — P.S. in Kalu-Turughman
6. Khodâdâd vs. Manucher in Kalu
7. Ramzan vs. his Ismaili community in Shibar