Isamili Bamian Notes Corrected - Robert L. Canfield

WHAT FOLLOWS IS A CORRECTED VERSION OF THIS FILE, AFTER I HAVE BROUGHT INTO IT CERTAIN THINGS DONE IN CI411. THAT HAD NOT BEEN INCLUDED HERE. THIS IS AN ATTEMPT TO ORGANIZE AND COLLATE MATERIALS IN BOTH FILES. 3/6/95 CI411.IML > bamschsm.iml

3/6/95

This will be Ismaili history file.

CI411.IML

Actually, this should be joined with material in Bamian Political History file, which is as yet not typed, to be the core of a book/ article on Bamian social history. Bamian is a better focus, because the materials is diverse, not about mirs alone, or pirs alone. It will then be my reply to Hans Loefler’s criticisms. 1/5/94

Bibliographic ideas/sources

Notes on History

Masson wrote of the district of Wardak that prior to the last century it had been “possesses by the Hazaras, who, about one hundred years since, were expelled by the Afghan. The Hazaras would also seem to have held the country from Karabagh to Ghazni, but have been in like manner partially expelled. Indeed, the encroachments of the Afghan tribes are still in progress.

(Masson 1844 II:224)

Wood 200

Of these tribes /Hazara/ the most powerful are the Deh Kundi, Dia Zingi, Deh Zingi, and Sheickh Ali. Sometimes they are subject to Kunduz and at other times to Kabul. They now own allegiance to the former, and annually send Murad Ali Beg /Mir of Kunduz/ a tribute in slaves. In paying this inhuman tax, the custom is for a certain number of houses to join together, and when the value of a slaves is collected, he is furnished by them. In years of great scarcity, such as that in which we visited this people, it is not unusual for Hazara family voluntarily to dispose of one or more children. It is sacrifice to which they are compelled by necessity. But generally they speak with detestation of the practice of man-stealing, and never mention the Uzbeks, who enslave them, but in terms of loathing and hatred.

Wood 198 (re. Hazaras encountered in Ab-i-Siah vale going up to Gulgatui “a hamlet on the southern side of Hajigak.”)

The early fall of snow this year, they had told us, destroyed the crops, and as they had been unable to pay the usual tribute to the Amir of Kabul, Dost Mohamed, they sheep had been seized. Without the means of passing /page199/ the long dreary winter now closing in upon them, they were compelled to emigrate to the plains where the wealthy would employ them in keeping the roofs of their houses free from snow, clearing the foot paths, bringing firewood, and in the other drudgery of the household. This is a misfortune that often overtakes th Hazara . . .

Gazatteer pt. II p. vi. Population (where?) is low because of devastation by war and disease; “Persian famine” of 1872 was severe in Herat and Afghan Turkestan, and was followed by severe outbreak of cholera–1871-3 was almost depopulated.

Kakar 172: The apparently quiet winter was followed by a stormy spring, when, some, if not all, the Hazaras resumed fighting. This time the Hazaras of Koh-i-Baba area, where no garrison had been left, rose first [i.e. southern side of Koh-i-Baba]. …173…Soon, the initial success of he Hazaras in Deh Zangi in April was followed by a series of defeats in the Yakawlang to the west of Bamian by the Sipah Salar and in the Deh Zangi by General Amir Mohammad Kahn. Perhaps the forces led by Ghulam Husayn, son of Mir Mohammad Amin of the Behsud, on the bank of the Helmand river between Deh Zangi and Behsud, where the Hazaras were routed leaving about 250 dead behind. [They were subdued completely by September 1893.]

Problem in Bamian: spatial patterns

Notes: Labmushak

The point of the case: The broad history of group division

The contemporary situation

— in Shibar

— in ??Labuushak??

The existing marital ties and the patterns of war that show a shift in alignment of groups
The history of fission in ??Labuushak??

— early history of area

— the later division

— the fight

— the result and current ????

The point of the case resumed

Final Chapter

Show that within this frontier zone internal tensions between kinsmen erupts as social factions, not elsewhere possible, by desccribing its social history.

The early history of religious sects and factions and

history of the pirs

The Ramazan etc. fight
The resultant fragmented condition
The recent intra-Ismaili dispute
Manucher — P.S. in Kayân
Mausur — P.S. in Kalu-Turughman
Khodâdâd vs. Manucher in Kalu
Ramzan vs. his Ismaili community in Shibar

RELATIONS BETWEEN SECTS IN BAMIAN

As for the gifts themselves, it is said that to this very day that for Allah’s help in a particular crisis or as an expression of highest reverence towards a holy man, one made a gift of one’s own daughter, in additon to material assets. The holy man collects thereby the sole right to dispose of the girl; he either married her himself or gave her to one of his supporters as a wife.

Worship and devotion towards a leader, and the other members of the Kayhan family are said to show extreme forms. The leader is said to have had the “ius primae noctis”; defloration gives the girl barakat; there is said to have been mass slaughter of cattle so that the blood could clean the path for the saint, and his support could be demonstrated, and so on.

Another way of showing one’s deep reverence is unpaid labour on the landed property of the holy man, which tends to be of considerable size not least . . . [this is from Einzman p 26-7]

SCANDALOUS STORIES

Because a “saint’s” miracle signs are so crucial to his renown, it is widely believed that some saints use fraudulent means to project an image of miraculous generousity. The following story is told with varying permutations by people about “saints” whose claims to sainthood they scout.

FRAUDULENT TECHNIQUES

The pir arranges for each of his servants the name of a type of object that may be given by his murid — a cow, a rug, etc. Then when a man comes, intending to bring a rug to the pir, even before bringing it in, as he goes in to see the pir, the servan who has been given the name for this — for example, “carpet” — is the one who accompanies the visitor. The pir then knows what is being brought, and he says, “Thank you for bringing the carpet,” even before being shown it. (A Sunni man from Kabul.)

People say that the pir sahib of the Ismails gives names to his servants to identify what needs his murid have. Then at certain times he sits under a cloth chanting and his sevants bring people to him. When he brings them in and asks who it is, a certain servant says who it is and the pir sahib then knows from the servant what kind of thing they want. And he says, “Oh yes, — is sick, or needs a male child, etc. Tell them to come here that I may blow a blessing upon them.” People are so surprised by his supernatural powers that they will empty their pockets to him. (A Sunni from Kabul)

OUT-MYTHS vs. OTHER PIRS

He said they came to know that the other people were Ismailis when the sons of P.S. came here and stayed in the house of Mullâ Gholam Reza. Then they knew. He denied that they had fought over this, but said after that they wouldn’t have anything to do with them any more — won’t marry them now. He won’t eat with them now because he thinks he will get sick from it because of this religion. He says it is no religion at all. They call P.S. a prophet — and what does he do? He should change this wall to gold or something to show this. The P.S. only collects money for himself. He should at least have some school or some giving to Faqirs, but he only takes from his poor people and collects for himself — he says.

The khalifa in Turughman was Mansur and he was trying to start trouble between the sects in order to increase Ismailism. But the pir sahib finally didn’t like it, and he changed him. The people argued on Mansur’s behalf, and told the pir sahib they wanted only him. The pir sahib said that he was not soliciting followers, if they wanted him, Mansur would have to go. They took Mansur. (Ismaili elder from Turughman.)

Mauucher expressed feeling against P.S.’s teaching to Saka. Seemed to be leaning toward Sunni (i.e. Saka — gov’t)

P.S. family had caught three people of Mauucher’s group near Tâla o Barfak, they were from Turughman, where they were for Manucher and accused them of wanting to murder the P.S. One of them was named Nabi and he was poisoned. But he lived and Saka secretly sent them to Turughman.

Conversion

Manucher a months ago said that he is now Sunni.

Manucher a months ago said that he is now Sunni.Manucher a months ago said that he is now Sunni. He told the inspector Assadullah, a colonel, that he is Sunni. And, so the inspector is working hard for him. He is following the commission carefully, but the commission won’t let an Ismaili be near them.

The Eshan of Puli Kumri gave his daughter in marriage to Manuchur. After Manuchur and Mansur became at odds with the pir sahib. He married her about a year ago, and now Manuchur claims to have become a Sunni.

People who used to follow the pir sahib, but they have become angry with him and are trying to reveal all that he has done. They say many things against him. They refer to certain lines in his books as evidence that he is not a Muslim. There are some Ismailis remaining among them. (A Sunni government official)

In Sanglaq near Logar, there are some people who used to follow the pir sahib, but they have become angry with him and are trying to reveal all that he has done. They say many things against him. They refer to certain lines in his books as evidence that he is not a Muslim. There are some Ismailis remaining among them. (A Sunni government official)

Marxist young man in Bamian, emerging crisis

Sultan [urbanized young man] crticized pirs, etc. for robbing the people. Only the ignorant really follow them [he said]. [Hashem criticized him for being too progressive.] [He is the one who asked me if I knew the famoust Communist young man who was later killed in Kabul; I would now wonder if he was a Maoist.] [NB doubt about pirs related to urban experience.

HISTORY OF ISMAILISM IN SHUMBUL

THE SPLIT 15 YEARS AGO — HISTORY AND CIRCUMSTANCES

(3-13) An Ismaili in Khurdakâ (which is split) said the Shi`as changed from Ismaili about 15 years ago.

1950-1954: Fight in Shumbul

(May ’69) I remember Safar and Sardâr were shocked to see an Afghan break the fast in our house (1953 or 4), so must have kept fast then. It was near this then (15 years ago) when Ismailism came out in the open and burnt zyârats. Much trouble then.

??(M96 “Mullahs of those zyârats were very strong/rich.”) Then was secretly Ismaili and P.S. was only “Sayed-i Kayân.” When came out in open war between the sects broke apart and as yet they have not fully relocated spatially. Some were already [Ismailis], but others didn’t know they were Ismaili.

Gul Nazar yesterday (June 20, 1967) said a little more on the Ismaili trouble. He said that there are three brothers sometime back — one was his grandfather,

I think — who shared as they should. But when they died their families fought over the inheritance. The result was that they split up — both spatially and religiously. The three families went to three separate sects: Shi`a, Sunni, Ismaili. One of these families was unable to get along in Shekh Ali because the others wouldn’t tolerate a Sunni. So his family left and went to a Sunni community. The Shias, I think, stayed.

He said there was a serious fight in Bamyan twice, once about eight years ago (1959), once about 15 (1952). They were between sects.

Qurban (TB patient from Shumbul) said they had trouble about 12 years ago (1955). He said at first they were known to be Isamili, but later admitted not so. A sayed came in to teach them — upon pressing he admitted also to gathering khums — at the initiation of Wakil Sayb. Wakil Sayb is and was then friendly with MGH and Qurban said he was a good man. The Mullah was from Iraq. Apparently, the first dispute over Ismailism was there. Then, when he came there was an argument over who was the seventh (or eighth?) Imâm. Some argued for Ismaili, thus revealing their true identity. Thus, this percipitated the crisis. The Mullah came to give them trouble over this issue.

Khâk Gadâi

Khâk Gadâi tells me that the Ismaili were there from a long time back, but that 15 or so years ago there was a big fight over it. The people must have then learned their true loyalty. There was a general (umumi) fight here in the valley. People fought in the chamand below Pusht-i Mazâr. The people of ??Bamian?? heard about it and were coming to help the Asnâashais when the women of Asnâashars came between both sides with Quran and stopped the fight. Then there was peace but hostility for some time.

The P.S. paid off the Hâkim of Bamian with a horse and a horse to the main man of the Sayyeds, [Tâlib ??] in Birgilich, who was a big man.

From that time Ismailis have had more freedom — been more open. Now the king knows the P.S., so they are recognized now. Since the fight, things got better between both sides. At first they had nothing to do with each other, but terms got better. They shared more and more.

Then last year at a wedding there was a big blow-up. It was the son of Lâl M. who was marrying someone (who?) and the Ismailis — from Qalâ-y Mullah and Shakar etc. mainly claimed Lâl M. had thrown their food in the river and had not eaten it. It was a lie (he says). Apparently, everyone gives something to a wedding and these Ismailis [believed] their food was not used.

Now the Ismailis don’t have to pay for their wives, he said (Gadayi??), cause P.S. gave the order. This is since he made his trip abroad. Now they pay only 10 ser wheat, 5 ser rice and 2 kushlam (bara?). Also they give the father of the woman a chapan, and the mother a chapan and shoes and a lungi. (N.B. This is from an Asna`ashar). Now, he says, they are really free.

N.B. He is single, alone. This system for him must have some appeal

(5-23) Shâ Sayyid was the other mullah who got into an argument over beards with mulla Ramagan.

[from Qorban?]

The two mirs stopped the fight between the two sects by baring their heads and (with Qurans) walking between the two sides. They argued that they would only kill each other and then the government would jail the offenders — so there would be a double loss. So they never really fought, he said.

Gul Nazar said there was no single confrontation, but that each of the valleys had their own conflicts.

(8-79) [MAABeg] He also admitted that until 15 years ago their identity as follwers of Aqâ khân was secret.

Shia Mullah preaching they should have not Pulwân Shariki with Ismailis.

ORIGINAL QUARREL IN IRAQ between Ramazan and other Sayyed

[N.B. These may also have been an implied disagreement over who should receive the Khums.]

Mir — Schism in Iraq

Pir — Social History

(8-41) Mir Mir Ahmad said it was in his house that Mullah Ramazan and a Sayyed of Irâq were sitting when Mir asked the Sayyed why he wore a beard and the Mullah didn’t. The Sayyed answered gently that a beard is really of no importance, but since the Prophet had one, he felt a beard was a good thing, so he had one. Then the Mir asked Ramazan why he didn’t. Ramazan answered in an unusually harsh way for him. He said he didn’t believe in that stuff and as far as he was concerned, anyone who wore a beard was the same as a Hindu. Then the fight exploded. The Mir Arbâb Kabir remembered this as being 12 or 10 years ago (i.e. 1955 or 1957).

The trouble spread fast all over and people were upset and up in arms all over. An ayat [commission] was sent from Bamyan. People gathered in Shumbul over this thing. Mir Mir Ahmad represented Ramazan. With him came 1200 men to Shumbul. A lot came on behalf of the Sayyed. They were all ready to fight, the dân of Shumbul was crammed full. So Mir Mir Ahmad made — with difficulty — all his men go to Iljânak to wait for him. He went back alone to Shumbul and there he and MGH and Mullah Ibrahim sat down with Hâji Wakil, Sayyed Tâlib, and ______?, and the ayat and the alagdâr. There they had a lot of talking and arguing over this issue (and over their loyalties?) and eventually they settled it. Paid out 6000 afs to the officials. (To the asnâsar?, alaqadar?) When it was quieted the men in Iljânak were sent home. But apparently Ramazan stayed in Shumbul and taught.

The issue seemed to be over two issues, the wearing of beards and the veneration of zyârats — a point Ramazan brought up later. It is not clear what the sequence was, but over this eventually the Ismailis burned up one zyârat (the one behind Jamili?). Over this issue many people were split. Brothers split over this, even between husband and wife there was sometimes trouble over this. The ceasing to intermarry was started or completely done then, etc. Now things are better the Mir says.

Saka: People give gifts of their children to the P.S. The general fight

The general fight was about 20 years ago. People were Ismailis secretly before that because they were weak. They intermarried freely among themselves, but the Shi’ites didn’t know about this. The Ismaili women who married Shi’ite men taught their children the Ismaili viewpoint secretly. But then the general fight occurred in Turughman because they were discovered to be Ismailis, and some of the women went away from their husbands. There was a lot of trouble for Ismailis in Turughman because there are only a few of them and there are many Shi’ites against them. So, they are troubled a lot. The Ismailis in the provinces always suffer more than in the cities because the people in the provinces can make trouble with the government for them. They can make a complaint against them and if it’s strong enough, they can force them out. (An Ismaili mature man from Turughman)

Shia-Ismaili Relations in Shibar/Shumbal

We came to know that those other people are Ismailies because one of the sons of the Ismaili pir came here and stayed in the house of mullah G–. Then we knew. After that we wouldn’t have anything to do with them anymore. We don’t marry them anymore, and we don’t even eat with them now because we’re afraid we’ll get sick from it because of this religion. In fact, it’s no religion at all. They call the pir sahib a prophet. And what does he do? He should change the wall to gold or something to show this. But he only collects money for himself. He should at least have some school or some plan for giving to the poor, but he only takes from his poor people and collects the money for himself. (An Imami elder in Shibar)

Xaak Gadaai tells me that the Ismailis were that a long time back, but that 15 or so years ago there was a big fight over it. The people must have then learned their true loyalty. There was a general (umumi) fight here in the valley. People fought in the chamand (grass land) below Pushti-Mazar. The people of Bamian heard about it and were coming to help the asnâshars (Imamis) when the women of the asnâshars (the Imamis) came between both sides with Quran [on their heads] and stopped the fight. Then there was peace, but hostility for some time.

The Ismaili pir paid off the governor of Bamian with a horse and a horse to the main man of sayeds of Bergelich who was a big [prominent] man. Since that time, Ismailis have been more open. Now the King knows the pir sahib so they are recognized. Since the fight, things got better between both sides. At first they had nothing to do with each other, but times got better and they shared more and more.

[Their beliefs about God’s blessing are very strong. Quântori [Qurankhori??] is a secular belief. ??[[check this] ]

Then last year at a wedding there was a big blow-up. It was the son of Laal Muhammad who was marrying someone (who?) and the Ismailis — from q. of mullâ and shakar etc. mainly — claimed Lâl M. had thrown their food into the river and had not eaten it. It was a lie (he says). Apparently, everyone gives something to a wedding and these Ismailis claimed their food wasn’t used. (an Imami poor man in Shibar)

Now the Ismailis don’t have to pay for their wives, he said (Gada’i), because P.S. gave the order. This is since he made his trip abroad. Now they pay only 10 ser wheat, 5 ser rice and 2 kushtani (bara?

). Also, they give F of the bride a chapan, and the M a chapan and shoes and a lungi [Mother?]. (NB. This is from an asnâshar). Now, he says, they are really free. NB: he is single, alone. This system for him must have some appeal.

(Rise of Ismailism)

Note on the family of xudâdad in Xordagaa of Shumbull.

“In Xordagâ there are 10 – 12 Asnâshar houses and 8 Ismayla houses.

Note on the family of xudâdad in Xadaga of Shumbull.

“In Xardagâ there are 10 – 12 Asnâshar houses and 8 Ismayla houses.”In Xardagâ there are 10 – 12 Asnâshar houses and 8 Ismayla houses. These are all related. The Asnâshar changed from Ismailia about 15 years ago.

Mir Nasir of Kalu said [(7-19) Kalu]:

Maybe 30 years ago the differences between Ism. and Asnâshar became emphasized and inter-marriage stopped.

MGH 6. (in Clan & Sect. Dist.)

Re: the sects (Imamis vs. Ismailis): “Now each side is firm. Neither side can change. Each year sometimes a few change from Asnâshar to Ismailia, but not otherwise.

Birgilic

When the Sayyeds separated themselves from the Ismailis they became separate themselves from the people of Birgilich. After that all their work [political affairs] became separate. (Earlier he said, “The Sayyeds had their own arbâb”, i.e., change took place during time of or before time of Mir Murad Ali). Then the Khalifa was Mubârak Shah . . . after he killed that man.

How conversion is impossible.

Fission-Schism (Hashem 4, Quchangi)

If Hakim (my B) becomes asnâshar, then I (Hasham) and F. would be mad. Others would not let him in their houses.

QN 42: If a man changes from one sect, he does not change from Shiite to Sunni or Sunni to Shiite. He can become Kafer/infidel, but he cannot become any other sect.

MGH 174. Schism

A person can’t change his religion — never. The Qaazi would be unhappy — no one could ever do this — also PS and mullaa couldn’t accept it. People would give him reproach [taana], would say you are a din-gashta. It is not really feasible to change from one sect to another. A person can’t really get free from his sect. Suppose he should say something unfriendly, and wouldn’t be nice to me, or should not do maraa’at (show respect, consideration) with me, then I would really be arzuda at him, angry at him. Then I would have to go. If he looked bad upon me and wouldn’t allow me to come before him, then I would have to go. Anger is an easy thing. Can tell the servant to put someone out. Suppose that one day you get up to find for yourself a friend. In a whole year you couldn’t find a friend. If you fight with everybody in one day, you can become the enemy of everyone. It is this way.

Sunni > Shia in Gazetter of Kabul p 304

Kuchari (tribe of Kizilbash) — were Sunni but became Shiah upon arrival in Kabul (from Iran). [p. 304] [NB this is strange, since the Q. were originally Shia; could I have gotten the whole thing wrong, and mixed it up?]

My father died fairly early and his other two brothers are no longer Ismailis. My father and father’s father were Ismailis, but the other two sons were not. They became Shi’ite by marrying with Shi’ite women. My father was alive and wanted to marry but not when the other married. now they don’t have much to do with me. But my father’s brother’s son came and asked for my daughter, but because of the difference in religion, we refused. since the general fight in Turughman, we do not intermarry. (An Ismaili elder from Turughman)

People become Ismailis because they see values in the pir and they choose to follow him. They see him as a greater help than the others. (An Ismaili elder in Shibar)

article

Ahmad (Toronto), “Conversions to Islam in the Valley of Kashmir”; Central Asiatic Journal; 23:p. 3-18 (1979)

malik, schism, Q. conflict

Malek Ali Yawar [an arbaab] said that some of the followings of different maleks change. One family will shift to another and back and forth. So his following is different somewhat from year to year.

A malek [arbaab] must be rich, must be son of a malek, he said, must have a qawm (!), (i.e., a solid following in his own qawm, I think).

A man may change maleks at a time when he has a dispute with another person in the qawm following the same malek. When the malek takes the other side, the man may decide to go to another malek to get help. The situation was specifically described as between brothers in a dispute. One brother will split off and go to another malek. As the result of these moves, though his following is localized in one area — there are some who go to another malek. But in such cases, they are socially quite at odds with another and socially split off from the other, also the malek.

The two maleks involved are put at odds and the feelings over this split — between the maleks and between the fighting [opposing] parties can be very strong.

The importance of his father’s name as a malek contributes a lot to the strength of a malek (Ali Yawar)

Pir/schism 202

Gul Nazar yesterday (June 20 ’67) said a little more on the Ismaili trouble. He said that there were 3 brothers some time back — one was his GF, I think — who shared as they should. But when they died, their families fought over the inheritance. The result was that they split up — both spatially and religiously. The 3 families went to three separate sects — Shia, Sunni, Ismaili. One of these families was unable to get along in Shex Ali because the others wouldn’t tolerate a Sunni, so his family left and went to Sunni community. The Shias, I think, stayed.

If H & W live with his F or B’s, they don’t talk much. In this case, women and men sit separately and talk. If they have money a H & W may move to a place of their own, and then they talk among themselves more.

————————-

Situation in 1950s-1960s, muhtasib

(people said): Because the former Khasib – Khatibs [???] were from the area they didn’t give people much trouble, but now the muhtasib (who is from another area) is doing this [same work??] and he gives the people a lot of trouble.

Here begins the Bamian political history file

MGH 46

Contemp hist, sunbul, ethnic groups

The Q of maamand were kochis in Shumbul, but were settled on the land of the Xalifa. the land also of 300-500 houses also in Burma, a large place in the area of Day Mirak. Then they threw them out of this area, only a few Maamad houses [were] left there. Then Maamand went to Aybak, near Tashqurghan and near Day Mirak [Day Mirdad?].

X Kalbisha’s grandfather was himself from Sanglaaxt-i Besut.

The people of Burma asked for the king to help them also. When the Maamands went to Aybak, the inhabitants were also Afghans of Q Maamand, so they were able to stay.

Earlier Wazir M. Gul had given land to the Maamands in both Aybak and Burma [Barimak?], but in Burma the Hazaras had revolted and fought back. so it was necessary for all the Maamands to to to Aybak.

8-22

Mir Kabir-i Mir M. Nasim (Bulola)-i Mir Ghoam Ali Beg (Bulola)(he built this memaan khaana; he was mir of all Shibar)-i Mir Gorz Ali (was in Bulola, over all of Shibar)-i Osayn Baay (he was not a mir but was very rich)-i Paynda Qadam Beg (was in Bulola)-i Jumaa Baay (he was the father of all this Qawm (aashur).

Osayn Baay had 7 Sons, all but one of whom cheated and mistreated their father and did not respect his last-dying prayer … These have no offspring at all and the land is scattered to others. Mir Gorz Ali was the only one who cared for the father. Was Mir.

Mir Gorz Ali: Bulola, Jola, Shumbul, Shibar, Birgilich, Jawzaar, Iraaq. Mir of Kalu was Mir Abbas and Mir Zafar was in this time.

Mir Gholam Ali Beg: in the time of Abdul Rahman and Habibullah. They paid maaliya. He was over all of Shibar from Iraaq to Sar-i Shibar. In that time Mir Bakhtiari was Mir of Kalu.

Mir M. Nasim. died early and the wife (d. of Bakhtiyari) went back to her home. Arbaab Kabir was 5 when she went back to kalu and lived there for 16 years. he came back to Bulola one year before Saqaw [1929]. His land was here. He came when Bakhtiyari died; otherwise the FF [nb. not Bakhtiari] would not have allowed him to come back. [because there was aproblem between the ff and Bakhtiari?].

After Mir M. Nasim, his B was the mir. Mir Amad Ali Beg was [mir] for 8-10- 12 years. All of shibar was under him. He was staying in Bulola in his Brother’s house [i.e. Mir M. Nasim’s house] (the Qalaa was made by Juma Baay. In this time Mir Sultan Ali (Son of Baktyaari) was mir. (In those days Paay Murid to kaalu was the area of Kaalu Mir [i.e. was locationof Sultan Ali?].

When Arbaab Kabir came to Bulola, Mir Ahmad Ali Beg went to iraq to take his land [which was] left him by his F (who had land in Iraq too) and went there. Kabir came to Bulola.

Below Mir Ahmad Ali Beeg there were MuySafeds over ea. qaria

The FF of MAJ was over Q. aadil. Arbaab Ali Bakhsh [was] over Q. ayaam.

Mir M. Osayn over Shunbul; and later Mir Mowladad. He [Osayn] was awdur baaca of MGH.

All of Shibar is from one father, Baaba Darghu (except Jolaa) and Kaalu is from him too. One S. went o Shibar (to Daaki), one S was in Kalu (f of Nasir) and one s was in Iraq (kona qalaa).

Another child was born to Darghu and he called him Shaak (the Q. of Birgalich). Another S, Aram Sha, his descendants are gone.

In Daaki, Shex M. was the son.

Xida was in Shumbul, Iraaq, Bulola. In Kalu was another (name?)

People of Julaa came in later, are not related to Darghu.

The Sayyeds of Birgalich came in at some time, but not related. Are in Jawzaar (6hhs), Byaamurda (7-8 hhs), Birgilich (20hh), Shumbul (10hh), Iraq, Shikaari, a few in Kaalu (in Dasht-i Tajak).

Juma Baay (Bulola) was of Aashur-i Khida-i Baaba Darghu (Darghaan), and he came from Kandahar.

In time they first came to Shibar they were at odds with Uzbeks. Each Qalaa had its own well.

All of Shibar [was] 100 hh; Kaalu-Paymuri 1000.

Mir Murad Ali of Birgalich; he was mir of all Shibar. Before Mir Gurz Ali [the mir] was Ikhtiyar (of Shumbul) then Mir Muraad Ali was mir. they he retired in favor of Mir Gh Ali Beg (of Bulola). The change came becasue the mir Murad Ali could not do something with government, so people let him go and took Mir Gh ali Beeg. In those days [mirs?] were very rich because each hh gave one ser roghan (1000 hhs) [rent, dues to the mir]. (In Kaalu there were 700 hhs.) [NB the diff way they were paid then than now — in animal products]

In the time of Ikhtiyaar: Mir Abbas was Kaalu and was over both Kaalu and Shibar, but was very cruel and they killed him. In those days 1 rupa was worth 25 ser wheat and he levied 100,000 afs maalya [dues] on the people.

NB on a stone written, “I have two wives, one rupa is worth 12 ser wheat.”

People of Pay Muri are children of Mir Abbas. [Mir Zafar came earlier (was in Kalu) in Daan-i gargara/yargara. That is: Mir Zafar [in Kalu]; then Mir Abbas [Paymurid, where his “children” still reside]; then Mir Gholam Haydar [Kalu]; then Mir Bakhtiyari [Kalu].

M-29

Slave raiding and qalaas

Ismaili houses were sep awlis. Awli=sep house.

Qalaa is an older form, from 20 years earlier, has several houses in it.

Even earlier: Xaana-Otaaq= sep rooms

Before the time of laki, the Turkmaan from Bukhaaraa from around the Oxus river came and stole people and sold them. This was why qalaas were built. They had lots of large horses, tied up their victims, put them on horses, carried them toward Bukhaaraa, to Turkistaan. In those days the King of Bukhaara was weak and could not control these people. We didn’t know what they did for a living, but were very cruel. Many of the tictims got back. But many also remained there and their descendenst are Turkmen, don’t know they are Hazara.

When qalaas were built, then they couldn’t get in so easily. Also the king became stronger in this area, so the Turkemn couldn’t come so easily. This was in the time of Ser Ali Khaan.

8-76

An old man, Asnaashar, told me one of his ancestors, Tay M., was captured below the old Qalaa of Bulola in days when there were robbers in these parts. They used to come horse back in scores — 200 or so. they took Toy M. and when got up to place called Taataar and something else (near Duaab) and there he read the Shanaama so well they used him as a teacher. Two years later let him go, gave him a horse to go on.

p 200

Gul Nazar. May, 1967

The following are brother groups:

Darghaan/Darghu: This is those on the upper side of the pass, Shibar.
Day Kalu [day Kalaan]: these people are scattered, are in Buyaan, Sakpar, Daan-i Kajak, Qool-i Kajak, Dasht-i Xagak, beet, Kootak, Jarf, Nirx, Pawaaz, Jagalak, Durwaaz (these are all in Shekh Ali).
Karmali: these are in Sang Andaab and Shingiraan, Pay Kootal (a few), Sar-i Bootyaan.
Qaluq: these are below Daan-i Shingaraan to Duaab-i Shekh Ali, Loolinj, Cukuma, Qool-i Xool, Taxt, Sorx, Paarsaal (Surkh o Parsal).
Xida = Naymu: Naymaan are in Ghorbandak (next to Shibar pass), Betqool, Kharjuy, Noolangak, Xarbeetak, Oolangajaangul, Bini Sewak.

NB: MGH says Darghan is the Fa of Khida.

—–

M81

Mir Aminuddin Ansari. He may be a descendant of Abdulla-i Ansar, whom Mir Ghulam Hasan claims descent from. Was born in Kandahar, went to Herat. The ancestors of Darghan (F of Khida) were from Pusht-i Rod-i Qandahar, same as Ansaari. They are sometimes called children of Ansaar. In this place is a large juy — nahar-made by these people. Is now ruid. now when people try to researrect it, they die in large numbers, maybe someon prayed a curse on the area. Maybe it belonged to the sons of Darghan. All Hazaras are from Khoja Abdul-i Ansaar.

—————–

Mir hist; mir and alaqadar

8-61: Mir hist

Naayeblukma: the old large governships in the dayd of Haakim in Bamian

sekot= before AR, 1/3 of crops

Under AR: maalya: Shibar 5,000

: Kalu, 11,000

:???

Under Zaher Shah: 3 years ago [1964], Shibar 22,000

Kalu, 14,000

Shibar has 4200 men now [1967]; Kalu and Ghandak 3800 men now [population]

In time of : The mir was:

Dost M Khan Mir Zafar

Sher Ali Khan Mir Akbar

Kalu

CONTEMPORARY SITUATIONS

Gilkârs: 2 (for Ismailis)

Ghojurak

Iljânak

1 in Joolâ (for Asnâshars)

SCHISM

Boy in Bulola explained that Ismailis and Asnâshars don’t speak to each other — as I observed also. “They are very chop with us.” This has been for 10-15-20 years.

(8-69) NB. The eating patterns separating the sects keep fellowship at a minimum. Meals in which people eat at each others’ houses became communication centers for people — but centers which have limited lines across the sects. Relatives and ampirâ stay in each others houses when they move around for economic purposes. Man from Kâlu working for wheat stayed at house of Mir âmad Ali Beg — because same sect. In this way they learn about each others’ relatives and sectarian arguments, and news about the P.S., etc.

The relations with the asnâshars are not good. If they want to borrow from them, they would send away and tell them to go to their own kind.

SPATIAL PATTERNS OF PIRS/??MORIDS?? IN BAMIAN

Those of us in this village see the pir of Paghman as the great pir. In some other villages around here, people believe in the pir of Logar (a moderately well educated man in Bamian.)

In Ghandak, In Ghandak, the people are Tajik, but there are no Tajiks in Shibar. But the pir of the Tajiks is the Hazrat. The Pushtuns have Aakhundzâda. They are like the sayyeds. They are godly and knowledgable. (Ismaili elder in Shibar.)

The pir of Ahangaran, Topchi Mulayan, and Taybuti live in Istalif. He is an âlem. All these places are Tajik places. (notes from conversation with Tajiks in Bamian.)

Besides the Hazaras, there are some [Ismaili] goldsmiths from the eastern province and some Hindus and some Tajiks. (notes from conversations with Ismailis.)

The iron workers are Arabs but they are not Sayyed. Usually they are only artisans. They are Ismaili in Iraq, Shumbul, Daki, Birgilich and Sheikh Ali. The are Imamis in Jola and Ghulam Ali. (notes on a conversation with an elder in Shibar.)

=== RLC checked it to here ==

PIR

SAINT EXPLOITATION

SOCIAL PROCESSES between the pir-sect network

(M126) The sayeds are very near the other people, but in a separate valley. I didn’t give the right to use this mountain to anyone else. After Mir GH became mir he freed the people from the hand of these Sayyeds. At first, from ancient times [they] had cows, sheep-goats, land, donkeys. In these times, Mir Murâdali was mir. The sayyeds were not mirs, but were rich. They got wine and moreof the things of the people for themselves. They took their cows, killed them, ate them. Shânshâ the father of Shâh Ghulâm Hosain before the saqaw was hâkim. The kâkâ of Sha Gholam Hosayn was a hâji and very rich. He had lots of land, from the time of his father and grandfather had lots of money. Their father was Shâdarbesh, son of Shâh-i Askar-i ??. These people in this line had money and took sut [interest] for one 100 Afs: 50 ser wheat [for 100 afs]; in this time, one Af was one ser.

(M127) These sayyeds had money, and most people didn’t have money, so they could get this amount of interest. They didn’t have the right to do this, by religion, but cruel people can do this. Besides loans with interest they also loaned on giraw. They would have the owner of the land work it for a yearly amount. If they got 10 sers toxum of land for 1000 Afs, they would soon take 500 ser of wheat yearly from them. (This amount of land, this will do about 200 or 300 sers of wheat if it is well fertilized.) The rest of this wheat had to come from the borrower’s other lands. It was like this before the saqaw. Later, then it became better, after the saqaw it became better, only 30 ser for 100 afs. Therefore better. This was because wheat became more valuable. Before this time money was in hard silver. Then after the saqaw, the notes became more plentiful and the population may have grown so the money became less valuable. Now, in these days 1000 Afs will only bring 20 sers of wheat in interest — i.e. much cheaper. Shân shâ died after the saqaw, 20 years later. Sayyed âmad shâ died five or six years after saqaw. In the time of the saqaw all the people of Shibar were for Ahmanullah but the sayyeds were for the saqaw. Shân shâ was very wealthy before becoming hakim of Shibar. In those days the king couldn’t come there, but only the wâli, etc. In the days of Ahmaunullah Khan the most wealthy people were the mustaofi. Mustaofi mumâlik was the wakil of the king, was like a PM. He was the one with the right to appoint these people. Shân shâ probably gave money to the Mustaofi mumalik, maybe 1000 Afs, or 2000 Afs, (was silver in those days), he had come to Kabul to get this postion. Then the Mustaofi gave him the firman to go to Shibar as hakim. The government paid salaries of people there. Under the hakim are other people who are responsible for the collection of taxes. The work of the hâkem is responsible for the collection and maintanence of order. Even now the hâdims take a lot of bribes, and in those days got even more bribes.

(M128) Even in those days,(M128) Even in those days,, the government kept close control over records of taxes paid, etc. so point of becoming hâkem was to take bribes. When he was hâkem he was not in the area of Shibar, he was in Yakawlang, way on the other side of bandi amir. He was not the hâkem of Shibar. The Hakims get their main benefit from the fights and disputes between people in their area of birgilic and became their mir. Mir Murad ali had died, who was from lower part of birigilic, was not a sayyed. He was not so wealthy as the sayyeds. Because he was the mir, they couldn’t do anything. His power as Mir was important. Even before Mir Murad ali died, Shân Shâ became mir. He was mir for about four or five years. When he died his son Shâ Gholam Hosayn became mir. When Shân Shâ became mir, then sayyed were very strong.

These sayyeds were Ismailis in time of Shâ ali askar, then in time of Shâ Darbeesh (father of Shân Shâ) they changed to Shia. Maybe some mullah changed their minds. Before this time they were not so close to the common people of the area. They didn’t marry these people, and they didn’t have meemâni with the. Shân Shâ was before the Saqaw the hâkem. Then in time of the saqaw the Mir Murad ali was Mir, who died a year or two after the saqaw year. In this time sayyed were saqaw. There was a sayed named Mir Ali gawar, in charde qhorband who told them to be saqaw, because the saqaw has taken the throne and no one can take it away from him. They were not under him but one of the daughtes of Shân Shâ was married to him, and they were related. In Charde ghorband there are only two or three houses of Sayyeds. These are very wealthy. In early days these people, the Sayyeds had lots of money and power and lyâz. The lyâz was because . . .

(Section removed here)

[new page ??]

In the time of saqaw they tried to turn people to saqawi, but these people said until they die or are killed they will not become saqawi. He had no right to be king. Birgilich did not suffer under the hand of the saqaw’s armies because it was quite a ways off the main road, so was untouched. Shumbul however was hit hard because it was on the main road.

After the saqaw these sayeds were afraid to make too much trouble because they were afraid of the new king Nadir Shah.

[p159]

The Sayeds of Birgilic in those early days when they were powerful, could use their cows, could even take a man and use him on their own fields, they would use their donkeys in carrying loads, the people had no choice. They oppressed them a lot. Before the sayeds, the mir was Mir Murâd Ali. He was from the birgilici. The sayeds were not under him and his people were not under them. The sayeds had their own arbâb. He had to do with the government, and if their was any trouble between them. When the sayeds separated themselves from the Ismailis, they made themselves separate from the people of birgilic. But the oppression of before, they were still able to practice. They were rich, owned a lot, they took many peoples land in giraw. They took people’s things and the people themselves for their own work. They made them plow, made them harvest, made them . . . If a man borrowed money and could not pay, they would take the man’s crop when it was cut. They had people work for them, but gave them nothing at all in pay for this. They couldn’t get wway from the because the sayeds were very rich, and the people were very poor. The people were also unfamiliar and (un?)known to the government, and very poor. They couldn’t go anywhere or request anything of the government . . . ghanimat meedâsht yak câr rooz guzâreemâ shawa [ghanimat = spoil, booty. Their mir was also weak and he couldn’t say anything. Their khalifa was mubârak shâ, he was very zabardast person but after he killed that man, he became very weak. And he was relieved of [his] khalifagiri. PS very angry at him. After Mir Murâd ali died then the sayeds became the Mirs. Shân Shâ became mir, the father of this Shâ gholâm osayn. They became the mir because there was no one else in their q. who could do the mirri. The sayeds were rich, and had money–cash. This was kind of forced on them, they hadn’t wanted it really, but had to accept them. They couldn’t ask someone else to be Mir who was Mir somewhere else because the place was far away and the person asked could have been afraid of the sayeds . . . [160] . . . were afraid sayeds would oppress them. Then they felt they had better be able to get along with them so they could be saved from worse oppression by them, so the people themselves chose the sayeds to be their Mirs. In those days their miri was not official. They were mirs unofficially. In those days the Mir was at home and went to the araqadâri when there was work to do there. The sayeds had lots of land, had bought a lot before. Would buy it when a man was so poor, was forced to sell it when he had nothing, then they would buy it. People would give land on giraw. The land would be giraw for an indefinate period of time. Then when the time had gone on for too long, the sayeds say qawâlee baybâd biri. Then they would give some more money and take the land as their own. When this is done they go to the qâzi, the alaqadâr or the hâkim can’t do this, only the qâzi. When he has written this, he makes a moor-seal–on the document. Once the seal of the qâzi is on it, the former owner had no right to the land. The qâzi is in bamyan, in the wulâyat, not in alaqadâri.

SOCIAL HISTORY OF CONVERSION IN SHIBAR

It used to be that people would recognize a certain place as a shrine. THey used to burn candles there. People would burn them in their own shrine, each for himself. Or, for example, a man had been seen, a certain faqir or a certain malang, seen there and disappeared there, never came back. Then people in the name of this person make a ziârat. In those times before there was much mirgandâb, shikariâ, who killed deer and then brought the horns of the deer to the ziârat. There was also in this place a ayâti, a kona, a ruins, a gumbak, and among these there was a graveyard. They burned lamps on the graves of a certain person at night, and they made a wall around it and called it a shrine.

After that they called it a shrine and gathered horns there. Or in the times of now roz or in the times of Id. People killed buzghâla, and bara, and made dalwa, and alwâ, they carried their degs with them, people gathered together, then everyone went home. In the times of our fathers, really our grandfathers, then later people understood that they were not meaningful. If they still this today, they would have a lot of nice horns. They did this twice every year, once at the end of Mizân, once at the beginning of spring. They made alwâ and dalda in the fall. In the beginning of spring tey dilled the bara, or the buzghâla, etc. And the people ate these things and prayed, they called this xayrât — i.e. this was a ‘godly’ place — i.e. this is a big person. They thought this was a big person and used to call this godly, and went there and ate over his grave. A point about these horns is that they could not be burnt, and people had no other purpose for them. Like they do now, they didn’t do then. So they took them to the shrine, because they are to be under foot it would not be good. We will leave them there because our hunting could be stopped, we couldn’t kill them. So they left the shrine. So that there would be more good hunting, more good hunting, etc.

They used to hunt a lot. There were a lot of horns then. Maybe now there aren’t 1/4 of what was there. It was a higher pile than that house. They brought/bring the deer home and eat the meat, then bring the horns to the shrine. Only the horns go there. The meat they eat themselves and give to their neighbors. They divided it. They didn’t divide it to the shrine. In those days they were asnâshar.

Because he would not little (listen?) to the command of God, to the command of the Pir, did something he had no right to do. He gets very angry, that he should never come near me again. If a man repents, go to the Pir and say that he will not do a bad thing again–ex. gamble or steal, etc.–then the P.S. won’t say anything against him. Because of his repentance, he will accept him.

We don’t say bad things against anyone. As much as we can. We say that stealing is very bad. We think gambling is very bad. Wine is very bad. We think these things are very bad. We don’t fight with them, or say bad things about them. But people see us badly. But we don’t see anyone badly. All men are sinners, we agree. A people come to the Pir and repent, and say may God forgive me. If the P.S. should sin? No, sir. He is the possessor of ilm (knowledge). In so far as is hand can reach, he doesn’t sin. For example, if he were not ripe, then he couldn’t become the Pir. If he doesn’t know God, he can’t become Pir. If he isn’t the possessor of ilm he cannot become the Pir. If he weren’t near to God, he couldn’t become the Pir. In so far as possible, he has repented from sin. He knows God’s work better, so doesn’t know sin, doesn’t see sin, –this is not his kind of work. It is not neccessary to repent? Why not, he is a servant of God. He repents before god of sin, yes. Prince Karim Xân is a person very high. He is the son of Imâm Jâfar, who has be descended down from him. He is his offspring. He is like an Imâm. We believe or Imâm is always present. The asnâshars say he is disappeared, is no longer with us.

M5 In Shumbul half are Jamâti; half asnaashari

In Jolâ all are ashnashari

Awlâd-i mir : all ashna ashari

aashur: half ashna ashari and half jamaati

dila: all jamaati

kaaka: one third asna ashari, two thirds jamaati

Some tajiks in Ghandak are not related; this is a large place. 2000 people beyond Bulola, Sunni [“tassenno” = sunni]

At first there were few Ismailis but it grew larger

In the time of Imam Jaafar-i Saadiq, one son, Ismail vs Musaa-i Kaazim. Until this time they were all Shia. After this time they split. The Shia were for Musaa-i Kaazim; the Ismailia were for Ismail.

The people of Afghanistan split over this. The people who thought the one who was biggest chose the biggest one. There was hard feeling.

Ta’asub bud. One side said it understood the truth, the other side the other way.

M6 Now each side is firm.

M6 Now each side is firm.M6 Now each side is firm. neither side can change.

Each year sometimes a few change from ashnaashar to Ismalia but not otherwise.

The ones who change are more oshaar. The ones who are ignorant remain Asnasshar

Though opposed, they are not fighting, but look badly at each other.

In Shumbul: 1/3 asnaashar; 2/3 Ismailia

HaydarBaay

5 or 6 children [see list somewhere else]

These are asnaashar qawms:

Wulaytak

Khudaqaa

Jameli

Each qawm has its land separately; h is sep; land ownership is sep.

Some places the q. is split between religions

q of Ghlam ali [at top of Shibar]

q of Daaki

If most are Ismalia, then one of these is arbaab; they give arbaab to another qawm.

END OF RELATIONS IN BAMIAN FILE

The following are from typing done by Elaine and is called Notes.rlc

My mother was Shi’ite and my father was Ismaili. In those days people didn’t pay much attention to the difference and they didn’t care. They married across sectarian lines freely. There was a fight between Ismailies and Shi’ites about 10 years after the Sagaw in Turughman (i.e. +/- 1939). Only a few houses were Ismaili then. (An Ismaili elder from Turughman)

Shia-Ismaili Relations in Shibar/Shumbal

The Ismailis and the Imamis here don’t speak to each other. The Ismailis are very silent (chap). This has been for 15 or 20 years.

Note: See on eating patterns and separation of the sects in 8-69 in Schism, fission file.

The relations with the Imamis aren’t good anymore. If we want to borrow from them, they would send us away and tell us to go to our own kind. (Ismaili elder in Shibar)

Now each side is firm. Neither side can change. Each year a few change, but from being Imami to Ismaili — not the other way. The ones who change are more sensible; the ones who are ignorant remain Imami. (An Ismaili elder in Shibar)

[Their beliefs about God’s blessing are very strong. Quântori is a secular belief. ?? ]

THE FOLLOWING TEXT WAS MOVED

A.R Mir Ghulam Haydar, Sher Ali, Beeg, Mir Bakhtiyari

——-

m 32 PS

[nb when there was less contact with the pir and the followers were distant the mir had more power]

In the time when argument over lang between Sher M. and his B they didn’t tell anyone about it. The PS lived far away, in kayaan in those days and didn’t know about these things. In those day came once/ year. he still comes only once/ year.

8-78 Mir, govent, hist

MAA Beg and Arbaab Kabir said the first Alaqadaari was set up in Bulola (I think first by Amanullah [nb. no the British mention that it was an Alaqadari in 19th c, Gazatteer, Bamian]. The Saqaw sent a man whom they did not accept (some trouble w/ him at least) and the real Alaq set up finally by Naadir Khan. This was first in Bulola. He stayed in the memaan Khaana of Bulola. Fought with someone (over what?) and finally he left and went to house of Mir Mowladaad for a while, moved back again to Bulola. Wa a while in house of Sayed Taalib Shaa (Shumbul) and then back to Bulola, etc. People didn’t want him. Eventually place was made for him and his helpers in Shumbul.

————–

of Naayib (Jumaa Kalaantar)

Our asil is from Besud; our fathers came to Aamqul first, stayed a while. Then cause poor water, moved to dahan-i Khaak-i Baaba (from zard Khaak); the water there was bad. Was chamand and very swampy and lots of mosquitoes. then went to the place of MAJ [Quchanqi]. They got a lot of land there. We had all the land in Quchangi and throught at first land from Zard Khaak to Daaki was theirs. There was no one there thn. Was a big chamand where horses fed. Then the F of Mir Gholam M. Khan (FF of MAJ) forced them out, to move up into the valley. In that time they had land in Dahan-i Quchangi. Then Gholam M. Khan got it from them then, either by sale or etc. Then Qalay M. Ali.

————-

182 A

The Q of Ayaam is spread around, some in Iljaanak some in Quchangi. We are q of Shumbul. the real name is sunbul. In early times, there were mardum-i xaarijii sunbul. In early times there was a house down as mouth of the sunbul near the Alaqadar, and they lived there and that daughter was named Sunbul. It got its name from than girl. It was very long ago, maybe 400 years ago. [Haim’s dictionary: snbl “sombol”, Hyacinth, Nard]. But we reishsafeds heard that there a house was built and her name was sunbul, were from people of khaarij, in those days, took a place and made a house, then later our people came into here.

These were people of khaarij, like your people, for example. And these foreignors come and see the place and say this is such a nd such a place, from looking at a book. Cause in those days people of kaarijis came here and lived here and came and went very long ago. But these peole from abroad came and lived here. Then the people fo the Hazarajat came and these people left, ran, I don’t know where, but left the country. then when the Musulmans [came] they took the land. This is what the muy safeds said. Don’t know very clearly, but they were from Kaarij, they were in the saraay sang …?/?

——

Iqbal 7084 [Quchangi]

Before the Hajigak road was built people from Kalu came over the mt to Shibar to get a car to kabul. They were more Koband. Shibar was on the road, so easier to get to Kabul.

M17 Hist PS

Shalezi wouldn’t let PS go so he asked the King. The govt of Surkho Paarsaa asked about Khayr M. Why he had gone with PS to give him trouble.

In the time of Ikhtyaar: in time of laki. GF of MGH M. Ali Sardaar: and w friends. These were from several places. From at pass of Hajigak, in a place called Azaarqaash. They took the wife of the King Abdul Rahman on this road. Took all her stuff. They let them go. They took the woman and raped her. 200-300 men. There may have been 100 men with the woman. When she got to Kabul, the King ordered the leaders of this area to be brought to Kabul and jailed them, maybe 20 men, including Ikhtiyaar. Then he fined them with a lak of Afghanis for ea of the leaders whom he jailed. Also took M. Ali Sardaar (GF of MGH) and jailed him. He was not a mir but was rich. The King took the lak off from the people — althogether took maybe 10 laks. the men who could paid their share. those who couldn’t ran away and stayed away until A. R. died. and Habibullah became King, who forgave them of all of it, debt, etc. They wen to Darusuf, Qataghan, Baghlan, Khanaabad. they were there for 2, 3 years. [NB, thus, the event took place, say, three years before death of AR, approximately 1897] Habibullah called all them back and forgave them. In those days the Ismailis were few and they didn’t stay with them [who?]. Rented houses, etc. and stayed away. In those days all the Shias and Sunnis said bad things about the Ismailias and so few. Ghaali / Ghalaa they called thenm, as a curse. MGH’s F was Ismaili but his GF was not.

————

NB Yakawlang was center of resistance to AR, is called “kohband” cause of its snow.

—–

15-57 Bamian, Mir, Hist

Ali Yaawar is son of Ali Jaan-i Mosen Beeg-i Baaba Beeg-i Ashraf Beeg-i Qalandar Beeg-i Mir Muyuu Beeg …

he said his FF (MOsen Beeg) was so powerful a mir over all the area that whe he went to Bamian to the seat of governmetn he was accompanied by 100 men. He did not show due respect to Amaanullah when he visited here, so Amanullah took him, jailed him, where he died, and moved his family (to mazar?). then later the family came back. Now Ali Yaawar is malik in Fulaati, but not over so many hhs, only about 300.

—–

———-

Saqaw

2-27 Khan Jaan, Kaakaa of MAJ

F: Gholam Hasan-i Ali Sher-i Afghaan Beeg-i Khja Amir … > Aadil.

Khaan Jaan was in the time of Saqaw. The B [M. Amin/Amir?] of Amanullah was travelling in Hazarajat to get people to support him. Khan Jan was sent with money by the PS along with several others to help Amanullah. They carried money in fomr of hard silver sewed in belts. in those days 1000 afs weighed 20 lbs. he was carry 2500 Afs, so 50 lbs of money on him. the other were also the same. he and they were someplace on the war near Unay Pass and while there eating tea, the people stole their horses. They ran out and would have fught over this, but were overladen with their belts which of course they carried secretly. They dared not make too great afuss lest it be discovered they had money. So they gave up the horses. Then someone came who was rich and said they could get their hoses back, cause were taken by thier servants and if they would ea pay 500 afs ea they could get horses back. There was a big discussion over this among them, young men said no, but F of MGH who was older and more experienced said now could get them back and should do it. So they did it. The men took their money and the other followed in hopes of getting their horses [again?]. But when the got further away they turned thir guns on them and told them to leave. So in the end lost both the horses and the 500 afs ea. And did not help Amanullah.

In the days that followed the PS was chased all over . The people of DehZangi stood with the PS and Ismailis against the Saqaw. After this they returned to their place. After Amanullah lost, they heard 600 men of Amanullahs army were coming to Shibar to join the resistance vs the Saqaw. Only 300 of these reached Shibar. The others were killed or ran away. These stood with people of Shibar 9 months of trouble. The Saqaw’s armies came several times. They killed leaders in Shumbul and burned houses. The people ran away.

The people of Shekh Ali at first stood vs the Saqaw, but finally gave up, surrendered. Then they helped the Saqaw’s armies. They were very dangerous cause knew the area of Shibar and knew who was rich, etc. So they led armies into the razing of the Shibar areas. They helped dig up the wealth hidden in the ground, etc. and nothing was left to anyone. The people of Shekh Ali were mostly Shia. Also the shias of Shibar gave up early so the Ismailis were left along to fight the Saqaw. The shias of Daaki and other areas also made peace with Saqawis, so they caused much trouble.

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14-3

The people of Chaarikaar and Qarabaagh area are still sore about the way the king Naader Shaa treated the Saqaw. And Sayid Amin. Saqaw was from Qarabaagh area, and Sayyed Amin from Charikaar. Now, there are two sons of Sayyed Amin still living in Charikaar, they are big Khaans. There are two sons of the Saqaw in Qarabagh, one a langowner and the other dewaan. The government doesn’t bother them.

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June 26, 1967

Osayn (owner of school, large house, from Turughman) tells me that he knew Bache Saqaw before hge became King. Aaji was a wood seller in Charikaar at the time. Saqaw was aman who came into town a lot and visited with Aaji. There was another man Sayyed ….[Amin?] who became Saqaw’s minister of war, who at this time was operating out of Charikar while Saqaw was working in Kah Daman. They got started as robbers by gambling. Got into trouble by losing. Went out and stole or robbed for their money., They would take, say, 50,000 afs, then pay 10,000 to Haakim and 5,000 to Kunaandaan and then walk opening around in the town — couldn’t be touched. They wore bandeliers and carried rifles over shoulder and a pistol on the belt. Also a dagger. Gradually they grew in strength and power and people began to follow them. Then when he became strong enough (says Aaji) he said lets go take the throne. After he took the throne people were put under his control In Ghorband they went out to subject the people. In Turughmaan they ran into the hills and stayed. Their homes were burned etc. Eventually they came back. The rishsafeds finally hoisted a flag and made peace. There was a battle in the Unai Pass area led by the Saqaw’s army and the people of Behsud (wrote names elsehwere) They fought, this way and that, and eventually Saqaws men had to give it up because in that time Nadir Shah came toward Kabul with his army. Thus the Saqaw had to give up the Hazarajat and go back to Kabul. they shot the Saqaw by firing squad.

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16-27

An old man 70-80 years old said with certainty that Naader Khaan (F of present King) killed Habibullah. He and another old man, the Pushtun, told story of when Naader Shah took the throne, a famous general Gholam Nabi from Logar, who had been coming to kabul from Mazar with a force to protect Amanullah when he was abdicating, but who gave it up when they heard he ahd abdicated (from an airplane which dropped notes that said so ) — opposed Nadir’s keeping the throne, felt it belonged to Amanullah, he said, both you and I are Gholaam. he had been offered a top generalship. When refused, he was killed. It was his servant’s son who killed Nadir Shah, the boy was hazara.

Because of the number of Hazaras who supported Amanullah, ep those from Besut , some of the leading ones were made cols and generals in Nadir’s army. But when Nadir was killed, all the army wa spurged of Hazaras. many were jailed. (This fits Nabi’s sotry re Nadir’s promise to some people to put Amanullah back on the throne, when he didn’t this general (Nabi) ran to peshawar wa spromised safety if returned, offered rank in army, then killed. NB Nabi is from Ghazni, looks Hazara, clams to be Sunni.

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Minorsky, Vladimir. 1982. Medieval Iran and Its Neighbors. London: Variorum.

Ch. II: Some early documents in Persian (I). [orig. 1942. J. of the Royal Asiatic Society.]

Ch III: Some early documents in Persian (I). [orig. 1943. J. of the Royal Asiatic Society.]

Some documents from Bamian dated c. 607/1211.

Doc A is most important. VM 96: “characterizes the situation at Bamian under the local branc of the Shansabaanii princes of Ghor.” Bamian was the locus of the rulership of one of three branches of the Ghor family [Ghazni and Firoz-koh being the others]. The Bamian domains included

607/1211.

Indicates that at time “infidels” still existed in the area, suggests that warfare against them was being carried on. VM suggests that these might have been Qaraa-Khiaay tribesmen, whom he identifies as “remnants of the Liao rulers of China [who had] succeeded in founding a secdond kingdom at Blassaghun (near the Issiq-kul lake) and were victorious in their wars against the Muslim Qaraa-khaanids of Samarqand, the Seljuks of Khorasan, and the Khwaarazm-shaahs” [p.98]. At this time also “the princes were quarrelsom, disunited, and ready to invoke help from without. Their amirs were ingriguing and exploiting the opportunities of their charges; their servants were courting thier master’s favours, gambling and oppressing the common folk. Trade fumbled among obscure deals and only land was harnessed fast to the yoke of ancient law.” We note that in particular the subjects of the ruler were expoloiting the peasants by monopolizing salt.

14-2 Old name for Bamian was Fanyaan, or Fanyaana (from 119 in Afghanistan, 1337 edition).

See Griesbach in Notes and Quotes, in time of A.R. [could this be a ref to India Office Library source? he is mentioned by Adamec, vol 1]

8-79

MAAB says that the government used to require much more than it does now in terms of labor and goods. They took a lot of yuzum from Shibar to the Haakim of Bamian. Now not so much of that. He thinks things are better now than before. They ask for wheat, etc. The alaq says they pay 2 afs/naan.

16-10

[sayyed from valey before I reached SyaaKhaar Bulaaq in Fulaati]: he said in the Saqaw year, the Saqaw’s men came and took all their flocks. They themselves were in the Aylaaq when the men came. And so they all ran away. Others had said thir houses were burned, but he didn’t mention it.

11-169

In Saal-i Saqaw Tajiks were for Saqaw and Hazaras were against him. Tajiks were in dire trouble, nearly defeated. Soon reinforcements came from kabul and quieted the Hazaras.

16-28

The Sayyeds of Fulaadi openly opposed the Saqaw. Their houses were burend (friends from Ali yaawar’s village said), stayed on mts but one man in Ali Yaawar’s village put up the flag and stayed. he save all the Hazaras. When Nader Shah came he had to run for his life, but Nadir Shah knew they agreed to accept Saqaw under duress.

[Secret expansion of the Isma`ilis.]

(source??, Sayyed Anwar?:) An early missionary to extend Isma`ilism outward from Kayan was Haydar Faqir, ??? a member of the Pir Sâheb’s family. He went to Kalu [a large populous valley that at that time was a least two days travel away from his native Kayan]. He converted some households there and went on to Shumbul, a day’s journey to the east, where he converted a few other households. The households that converted had problems with their neighbors over this. Families were divided, but eventually they became reconciled again, apparently without the Isma`ilis giving up their faith.

(An Isma`ili from Shumbul:) People were Isma`ilis secretly because they were weak. They intermarried freely among themselves but the Shi`as didn’t know about the Isma`ilis. The Isma`ili women who married Shi`a taught their children secretly.

It was much later that the Isma`ili beliefs of these people became widely known, and it had near tragic consequences. Here expand from file on Isma`ilism in Shumbul, etc.

THE FOLLOWING IS NOT ABOUT THE PIR BUT ABOUT DIVISIONS AMONG THE ISMAILIS

The sectarian fighting in Shibar in the 1950’s

(My notes from a conversation with an elderly Isma`ili man named SarKhidâd in Kalu:) The general trouble was about 20 years ago. It was true that people were Isma`ili secretly before that because they were weak. They intermarried freely among themselves but the Shi`a [Imamis] didn’t know about the Isma`ilis. The Isma`ili women who married Shi`a men taught their children the Isma`ili viewpoint secretly. When the general trouble came up some years ago, there apparently were some women who ran away from their husbands ‑‑ not in Shibar but in Turughman ‑‑ because they were discovered to be Isma`ili. There apparently was a lot of trouble for Isma`ilis in Turughman because there are only a few of them there, in comparison with the Imamis. So they are troubled a lot there. The Isma`ilis in the provinces always suffer more than in the city because people in the provinces can make trouble with the government for them. They can make complaints against them and if they are strong enough they can force them out [presumably by the high costs involved in the dispute].

Sakhidad said his mother was Imami and his father Isma`ili. In those days they didn’t pay much attention to the difference and they didn’t care. They married across sectarian lines freely.

Early dispute between Isma`ilis and Shi`as in Turughman

There was a fight between Isma`ilis and the Shi`a [Imamis] about 10 years after the Saqaw [i.e., about 1939] in Turughman. There were 5 mirs [chiefs] there then. Only a few houses were Isma`ili. The Khalifa [representations of the Isma`ili pir] there was Manucher and he was trying to start trouble between the groups and the sects in order to increase Isma`ilism, but the Pir Sâheb finally was upset and changed him. The people argued on Manucher’s behalf and told the Pir Sâheb that they wanted only him [to be their Pir]. The Pir Sâheb said that he was not soliciting followers. If they wanted Manucher they would have to go. They took Manucher.

Isma`ili ‑ Shi`a intermarriage

Sakhidad’s father died fairly early and his other 2 brothers are no longer Isma`ilis; His father and father’s father were Isma`ilis but his two brothers are not. They became Shi`a through marriage with Shi`a girls. The father was alive when one of them married, but not when the other married. Now they don’t have much to do with Sakhidâd. But because of their relationship one brother’s son came and asked for his daughter. Because of religion he and his wife refused. Now, since the public fight [in about 1952] they don’t give [them] their daughters in marriage. He claims his son went back to Shumbul for his military registration. His qariadâr [local representative to the government] is Mir Gholam Hasan [an Isma`ili] but the Wakil Sâheb [the representative of the Shi`a in the same area] also helps him.

Shi`a‑ Isma`ili sectarian disputes

In the old days Sakhidad claims the mirs were glad for the trouble between the sectarian groups because they got paid for settling them. Usually the mirs were friendly with each other. Mir Mowladad and Mir Khalifa (father of Mir Ahman Jan) were quite friendly.

More on Shi`a‑ Isma`ili sectarian disputes

(Notes on a trip to Kalu:) For a while, until recently (that is, in the last 2 years) the Isma`ilis were free of trouble. But before that they had trouble. They had to be secretive about their religion. Now also they are open, but they are having trouble.

Qorban also said the khatib has not come around for many years. He used to examine people on the creed, the five obligations — fast, ahlms, prayers, pilgrimage, and creed. But he could say nothing to Ismailis because they always gave the right answers. (N.B. this was probably before the Ismailis came out in the open.) He said the Shias have Khalifas who collect the Shia tax. The Sayyed from Iraq valley was a Khalifa who had come to collect khums from the Asnâashars. It is possible that the Khalifas had not come before this time and that it was the first and the Ismailis (who were secretly paying their tithes) rebelled. He said they had been paying the money to Wakil Sayb — 10% — before this. Also, couldn’t recall whether no one at all had collected the tithe before. The mullah who collected the tithe was Shâ Sayed (of Iraq) and stayed with the house of Sayyed Qâdir (?) — of Dahan-i Wulâytak.

(4-60) Mulla Gh. Reza pointed out that the shias and Ismailis are on fairly good terms. He said they are still related and marry sometimes — so things are not so bad. Also the [sharing of the] chopân (shepherd) is not necessary for only the sect. They may share one chopân from on village.

Note [same page]: Lâl Muhammad denies all this. He says there is no cooperation among the Ismailis and Shias. Gh. Reza (Mulla) seems to be trying to smooth things over. In his relations with Khdâdâd over the animals eating his lalma [lalmi], he was very tactful, maybe too much so. He seemed to joke rather harshly on Khdâdâd, as if he were joking, but were [was] in fact making snide remarks (perhaps).

Social relations in early Bamian, +/- 19th and early 20th c.

Marital relations

(4-62) Lâl Muhammad married a girl who was 13 — is now 30 [i.e. 17 years ago]. And in that time there was only one sect in Shumbul — went to Kotal-i-Shibar to a mulla who said nekâ there. His mir then was the brother of Wakil Sayb. Later he says it was Wakil Sayb.

Note that a number of marriages between these groups took place prior to the 15-17 years ago fight . . . of Mirzâ Ali (Ismaili) from Lâl Muhammad — his land went to his daughters who married males in ???? darya. [cf. Shumbul, Musâferbây], also 3-14, 3-12,13.

Early Cultural practices, religion

IN SHIBAR

When Hashem was a child, he remembers eating dirt from the grave of the father of Sayed Mubarak shâ, after he died, many people went there as a zyârat [shrine]. When the kids were sick, they took dirt from the grave and fed it in spoons (like castor oil) to get them well. They also went to the grave of Manzar Shâh which is in Khâk Mushak. Then this all stopped because P.S. wrote against it — argued against it. Hakim [the younger brother] did not eat this dirt. They apparently dropped these things and Zyârats and tumâr at the same time. They dropped Tumâr, zyârat, eating dirt of zyârat, pâl (i.e. fortune-prophecy), 14 or 15 years ago, suddenly and completely.

Early Pirs

Masson says [where??] that a Sayyed Shah Abbas was a Pir in Birgilich, and was pir of the Sheikh Alis.

Early Mirs

arbâb kabir

Mir Abbas was mir of Kâlu and Shibar, [he] was in the time of Abdul Rahman. He was very cruel. I don’t remember who was before him. Then there was Gholâm Haydar, the father of Gholâm Rasul. Mir Zafar was in Dân-i Gharghara. Then [after him? there] was Mir Baxtiâri.

In the time of Mir Abbas all of Kâlu and Shibar were under him. People killed him because he was very cruel. He explained to us, and the people. After Mir Abbas was Gholam Haydar. He was also in Kâlu. Also there was Mir Zafar. After Mir Abbas was killed, Shibar and Kâlu became separate, [they] had separate Mirs. At the time of Mir Abbas, Ikhtyâr was in Shibar. He was liked, was mir for many, many years. After him was Murâd Ali, who lived in Birgilic. Then there was Mir Gurs Ali, then Mir Gholâm Ali. Then Gholâm Mâmad, Mir Mowladâd. He was the mir of all of Shibar. My grandfather, Mir Gurz Ali, was mir before that. He was in Bulola. Irâq was under him, too. The arbâbs in Irâq then were Mirza Faiz Ali, Arbâb Ali Mâd, and before that they had others: Mir Zânu, Mâmad mir. Mir Zânu was in Irâq, Mâmad Mir in Irâq was my FFF. And Mir Abbas’s daughter had hit his hand when they went from Shibar to him. When they were coming, she hit him and cut his finger. Then Shibar hit Mir Abbas and killed him. She was in the house because her foot hurt, then she saw that 1000 men from Shibar have come to us. At first my ancestor, Mâmad Amir, was going to kill him, then the girl hit him and then the others came and killed him (Abbas). A thousand men came against him. He had some body guards, but not nearly as many. The sons were killed in ?? of Irâq. The sons ran away, hoping the people wouldn’t be so much against them, but the people didn’t let any male live from Mir Abbas. Mir Abbas was not a descendant of Mir Zafar.

His daughters were left alive, His daughters were left alive, and through them he has grandchildren but no sons. They were killed in Shina of Irâq. After that the mirs of Shibar and Kâlu were separate. But then whoever did well, like Baxtyâri, he took Irâq, Daki, then also Birgilic, Ghandak and Jalmish, and he was mir of Kâlu.

When Mir Abbas was killed, naturally some of the people of Kâlu were angry, but they couldn’t do anything, because so many rose up against him. Then Gholâm ayaday [Haydar?] or Mir Zafar were in Kâlu at that time. In Shibar was Mir Gorz Ali. Baxtyâri was in the time of Mir Gholam Ali Beg. Then Mir Murâd Ali gave up the miri for Mir gholam ali beg, because he said he was more informed, wise.

Then when he died Mir Mowladâd became mir — i.e. when my grandfather died then Mowladâd became mir, then Mir gholâm M., then by alliance, agreement the mirs were changed [i.e. must refer to an informal concensus]. Also in the time of Mir Gholâm M., my kâkâ [Mir Ahmad Ali Beg?] was mir for one year. They changed by itifâq — by agreement, concensus. Then my kâkâ was not happy, because if you are going to go to Mir Gholâm M. then don’t come to me anymore — I won’t be your mir. When people became aligned [basta] to him he tries to become mir, and [to make] the other not to be mir. One year my father was mir, then my kâkâ, then Mir mowladâd, then Mir gholâm M. beg. Then in the days of Mir gholâm M. beg, my Kâkâ stood up for one year, he was miri in Bulala, then went to Irâq and did miri. Mir gholâm M. was under the hand of my grandfather [Bakhtiari?] then he took my mother. My kâkâ [MAAB] gave her to him. Her father wouldn’t give her to him, because he felt my kâkâ should take her [because he was the brother of her first husband, after his decease]. If you don’t take him, he told her, then you should stay at home. But my mother wouldn’t agree to him. Over this Baxtyâri was upset with Mir alamad ali beg. He was still living. The father, Arbâb Ali baxsh, came for pershraw [peyshraw? purshis {question, asking}?] to ask her to take him as husband. At that time I was small and in Kâlu, 5 or 6. When they married, I was 7 or 8. After that Mir gholâm M. ran away, avoiding Mir baxtyâri. That it was bad for his name that they didn’t marry — or she didn’t marry — according to his orders. My uncle [MAAB] became mutafiq with him, and then he gave her to Mir gholâm M. My kâkâ [MAAB] had the first right over her and wanted her, but she would not agree. Then he gave her ba dista to father of MAJ [Mir Gholam M.]. If he hadn’t agreed, then they couldn’t have taken her. The father of him [her? i.e. Arbab Ali Bakhsh] was also a help; he also took some money. And the father took money. Later on I fought with them, because they had sold her to them. Maybe they took 1000 or 2000 — got it from Mir gholâm M.

When a man dies, his brother has the first right to the wife. But she has to agree, if she doesn’t then it isn’t done.

Mir gholâm M. before he took her, he was a Mir, but didn’t have a big following. After he took her, he got a lot of aqyat/asyat, because he had the daughter of Mir baxtyâri. The point is that I should get a wife from some nâmdâr from a motabar person. To get a wife from a man who moves around the country, who is informed, famous, etc.

Mir Gholâm M. had two other wives. They were not famous people, they were from his own gawm. They were alive when he took her. But this woman was fâmida, could do everything, was the daughter of a nâmdâr and was jawân. She also can read and write.

N.B. This man [Mullah Hosayn?] is xwârzâda of her. (i.e. his mother is sister of Mulla Hosayn. Since MAJ’s mother is daughter of Mir Baxtyâri, he is xwârxâda of her.)

Then I was nâsâz with Mir Gh. Then I was nâsâz with Mir Gh. M. for some years, because he had taken my mother. If I had been grown, and not small, he couldn’t have taken her. Even if his place had not been far away, I wouldn’t have given her to him. I didn’t want him. Only my uncle gave her to him. (my kâkâ mâkâ, i.e. others were involved — the prior right of the husband’s qawm?) The kâkâ of Mir Ahmad Ali [Beg]. They agreed among themselves. The wife herself did not marry (anyone in the qawm(?)), so “Come, let us give her to him”. The uncle of this (?) came and said I am your muzdur [servant], your deeqân [farm laborer].

Then came uzur K. to house of mâdarmâd (?) — men and women. They came heads bare, uzur K. to our house. That you should please not fight with us. Then we became sâz with them. They said they will give us two daughters, so that you will be sam with us. Don’t fight with us. We became sam with them, but we didn’t take their daughter. The people that were on their side were all of shibar. These people who came sar lutch were from the Q. of âdil from quchangi. They came to bulola, to our house. Then they gave me a chapan and a horse. They were going to give me two girls. One of these was the mother of Hashem and there was another of them, child of her kâkâ. But I said I didn’t want them, I had not râai with them. I said, other than my own mother, I won’t take anyone else. She was herself happy to be there. She was herself happy to be there. She told herself that she had left these (girls?) for me. You should take them, but I wouldn’t take them.

Then he became very big. Over all of shibar, to Irâq, but not ghandak. At that time Mir baxtyâri was over ghandak. Mir baxtyâri brought me to Kâlu because he liked me a lot. My kâkâ [MAAB] became motafiq with them. He wanted to take her himself but she wouldn’t. After this, for one year Mir âmad ali beg was mir of shibar, but for only one year. Then after that, Mir gholâm M. became Mir. Somehow he got the people to him. He [Mir] G.M. did fishâr. He did something with the government. He turned the people to himself. There was no fight over this. The kâkâ didn’t fight over this.

Mir mowladâd was a mir in the time of Mir âmad ali beg, but he was basta with him. My uncle did everything, he was basta with him. He helped my uncle. Then after that, Mir mowladâd became (mir), then Mir gholâm M., then after that my kâkâ again. When Mir Gholâm M. was mir, Mir moladâd did not help him, but his people were with Gh. M. My kâkâ told him not to allow it (him? i.e. Gh. M.?), the kâkâ said he was not happy with Gh. M. Then he beitifiqi namekad, ke mâ yak ismâyeli asteem. And Mir mowladâd was not ismailia. (hic. He had the hickoughs). The sects were already known. Mir mowladâd did not help Mir Gh. M. at all and also did not betifâqi k. He said that this (person?) should be it. Your father was (mir) before, before you, and he should also be it now. But he didn’t agree, so he mutafiq girift with him (?). Moladâd did. Mir mowladâd was mir before, too, after my father Arbab Ali Bakhsh], and also was after my kâkâ [MAAB]. Then Gh. M. xest, and told my kâkâ to do miri again, and he didn’t — but if he had also xest, there would have been a fight, and he couldn’t have won. Then there were two mirs. Some people took him. Then uwâ beitifâqi nakard. He said beitifâq meshem. i.e. We will be disunited if I also xest. The asnaâshar are only a few — 200 – 300 households. But they, the sayids of Birgilich, were bast on the side of Mir Gh. M.

My father, gurz ali, was Ismaila. He was strong, so the asnâshar could not say anything. In those days, people would say they were murid of sayid so and so, most of them said they were murid of sayid -i- kayân. People didn’t know much about maslak in those days. From the days of his fathers, the sayid -i-kayân was the most famous. Others were just gadaygars, who were hungry, etc. Also the sayids of Birgilich had their followers, too, and they later nashud (i.e. it didn’t work out for them.) Later, they had a dispute with Mir Gh. Mâmad over who was to be Mir — was not over sect — they were for Mir mowladâd. Some people went with Mir mowladâd, but many were for Mir Gh. M. Those who supported Mir mowladâd were from everywhere. From shumbul, jolâ, only a few from Birgilich, if any. There were 100 houses in jolâ.

Mir Gh. M. died still young and vigorous. After he died, they took one of his brothers to the Mir, then my uncle [MAAB] — the brother they took was barât ali, and my uncle was Mir âmad ali beg. Mir Gh. M. died almost 20 years ago. After he died, Mir mowladâd also xest, but he died, then we took MAJ. He was our brother to us. He also told Mir âmad ali beg that he was as a father to him. He came and kissed his hand, and kissed his face, out of friendship. He was a good boy to xest.

Bakhtiaari’s time

Kalu-at Mir Nasir

An old man talked with has said a lot about bakhtyâri I didn’t understand.

¨ Mir Bakhtyâri had a dispute over maliki over [with?] the people for two years. It must have been serious. In the end the other pretender was put in jail until his death. Bakhtyâri was Ismaili secretly if he was one. The other was asnâshar. After this fight, Bakhtyâri visited Kayân to see P.S. and acknowledged his superiority.

¨ In those days, people couldn’t come out openly regarding their Ismaili faith. Ismailis couldn’t survive in the army if they said they were Ismaili. They had to go around in groups of ten or more to be safe. They began to be more open about their Ismaili faith in the time of Nâdir shâ khân.

early [secret] advance of Ismailism

Pâynd Ali (of âdil), servant of Jean Selch

Said in early days of Ismaili in Shibar there were several mullas who began to teach for Ismaili. They did it only carefully — secretly — only to people they could trust, who really were friends. They changed ideas of a few people — 2 or three to five — and they met to discuss these things, but only secretly. They never told about themselves. Then 30 or 40 years ago, the P.S. openly said he was Ismaili and was for âqâ khân. In Shumbul one of the most effective mullas was Abdul the FF of âkhund aslam. Also FF of Mubârakshâ. Eventually, they changed a lot of people to Ismaili in their areas.

early Islmailis in Shumbul

(An elder from Shibar, MGH). In our place now we are all Ismaili. When my father became Ismaili the whole of Pusht-i Mazar [his village] became Ismaili. Qalaa-i Mullah [another village] were Ismaili before Pusht-i Mazar — maybe twenty years earlier than us. Our Khalifa was Mullah Baabay the father of Mullah Gholam. In a few places there were a few [Ismaili] houses scattered among the other [Shi`a] houses. In those days we troubled these people a lot — said bad things abou them … Eventually we all became Ismaili. These early Ismailis were probably close, or well known, to the Pir Saheb. Mullah Bâba Bây — in our childhood we called him Mullah Bâba.

(An elder from Shibar). When Pusht-i Mazar [his village] became Ismaili it was 70 years ago, maybe. The Pir Saheb was Timur Shah. He had not visited there. Travel was difficult then — only by horseback. In those days few people could see the Pir Saheb, but the masjid was there [in Kayan]. The Pir Saheb’s grandfather built the masjid. Their homeland is in Iran. At first they came to Khawât [in Besud?], then moved to Kayân. At first only old people knew the origin [of the pir’s family] was Iran and that they were pirs. Then more and more people began to see that they were. Maybe the Pir Saheb knows his family’s descent. The Pir Saheb and the Aga Khan are both descendants of Ali, but through the main line of Ali; the Aga Khan is from bigger people than the Pir.

(An elder from Shibar). Mullah Bâba [in Qala-ey Mullah]. These people had become Ismailis many years before [his vilage]. Their livelihood was better than that of many others. It is likely that their prosperity helped induce the people of Pusht-i Mazar [his village] to become Ismailis. The other people in Shumbul, many of them, had already become Ismailis [before Pusht-i Mazar].

(Sayyed Sarwar Shah of Ghojurak). His father was Shah Gholam Hosayn-i Sayyed Mirza [of Ghojurak]. He was Khatib [therefore was also mullah for Pusht-i Mazar years ago] for the Qâzi, but was not so official; he said the nekâ [marriage cermony] and made people keep up the mosques. He was himself Ismaili. Everyone feared the Qâzi; he could jail them, hit them with a durra [a studded belt used for punishment]. He was the only one who could do that, not the Governor even, not the subgovernor.

(Gholam Rasul, brother of Mir Gholam Hasan). In the old qalâ [fort, at the mouth of Shumbul], there was a school there. Pusht-i Mazar had a mullah, Shah Gholaam Hosayn [the Khatib], son of Sayyed Mirza, son of Sayyed Khojaa) in Ghojurak. His sons are there now.

Pattern of pirs / saints services and veneration in early Bamian

(Mullah Sidiq, a man from Shibar, and had worked in Kabul for several years). Shah Ali Shah was a leader of the Ismailis in Jawzaar above Birgilich. He was the father of Sayyed Mubarak Shah. he was not the pir but did piri [pir’s work]. That is people came to him when they were in need and when sick, and he gave ta`wîz for sick children. [Also] Shaan Shaah was a religious leader of the Asnaa`ashariya. He did piri work. He and Shah Ali Shah both lived to be a hundred. He also gave ta`wîz. Sayyed Timur Khân was brother of the the Pir Saheb and the previous Pir Saheb [of the Ismailis]. Also, the brother before him was Sayyad Gawar Khân. He was another previous pir.

(From my notes). A man told me that Sayyed Ghazanfar Shah came here about thirty years ago [c. 1937]. He is from the Sayyeds of Ghazni. Another voluteered about the same amount of time. One wonders if it could have been about the time of the assassination of Nadir Shah by a Hazara from the Ghazni area. Sayyed Ghazanfar Shah himself came here. His Father died in Ghazni. His father’s father died in Bamian and a large tomb to him, built by Sayyed Ghazanfar Shah, is high on a hill. People couldn’t remember his name.

Current attitudes toward pirs, absence of great pirs now

(From my notes). There was a long discussion on pirs one night with Nur Ahmad and the Qariador of the village at Kahmard. The Qariadaar said their pir is Aakhundzâda of Qarabaagh in Kohdaman. This is really his son now. The old man is dead and his son is not so good as his father. This seems to be true of most of the old pirs who were so strong and famous. … Both Nur Ahmad and the Qariadaar agreed that the Naqib Saheb [deceased in 1947] was really a true pir. They also agreed that the old Hazrat of Shor Bazaar was a real pir, but he is gone now too. The real pirs are gone now; they are a thing of the past, they said.

(From my notes).(From my notes). Pirs are not sending out Khalifas as they did before. They are collecting themselves, or their close relatives are. For example: Pir Saheb, Aaghany Abdullah, and the Pir from Qarabaagh.

Pirs in Bamian area and changes in their collection system

The Sayids of Birgilich

Shânshâ was the first pir

âmatshâ (was his brother) and successor

Sayid yâqut shâ

N.B. Hashem lungi-syâ story

now: dârâshâ is the man in shikâri who givess tumâr

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From the servant of Jean Selch:

The king of Egypt and the Imam of Ismailis, mustansir-i-billâ, sent shânâsir-i-khisraw to Badakhshân to convert Ismailis. He converted many in the area — even to as far as Bukhârâ — where there were many who became Ismailis. Shânâsir was sayid of Ilawi. He was pir of Badakhshân. He lived 500+ years ago. In this area there have been many Ismailis. Khârukh and Dawâz, Dushanbe, Kolâb, and Bukhârâ had many who believed.

History of Shunbul Ismailism

Early Khalifa of Ismaili pir

(M82) The father of MGH had a few animals, like now. The father got a wife from Bulola. He was Ismaili before the marriage, but she was not Ismaili before the marriage. He was quite young when he became Ismaili. When his brother became Ismaili, he became one. The older brother was only four or five years older. His brother at that time was arbâb. MGH’s father was doing farming. When the older brother was 15-18 he became Ismaili. They all did it together. Their father was very rich. The Mir was Mir Mowladâd. He was asnâshar [shi`ite], his kâkâ the arbâb was Ismaili. The first in his qawm to become Ismaili was Hâji Sayed âhmad. Sayed Mâhmad became the khalifagiri of Mazâri-sharif.

Eventually he gathered so much for himself that he was released by the pir. That is, the P.S. Timur shâh khân. These two brothers were both from Pusht-i Mazâr. They were farmers. They didn’t have a lot of land. The other members of the qawm became very angry with them. They said, even if they were killed they wouldn’t change their beliefs. They were beaten and threatened. Their wives were not against them. They were also Ismaili. Sayed Mâhmad became very rich as a khalifa. The wife had agreed with him, whatever they did. When they (the husbands) became Ismaili, the wives became Ismaili, with all of the children. Altogether it may have been 40 or 50 men in their quawm. In those days, they were all in the one qalâ.

Life in early part of this century and earlier

In those days a family lived in one room with all its animals. In one qalâ, there were ten families in it. The houses were the following:

Mâmâ (kâkâ of MGH)
Bâba Beg (father of MGH)
Akbar
Murâd Ali
M. Hakim
6. M. Hosayn
M. Amir
M. Alam
Bozar
Salmân
Zangâl

Next to this was another qalâ. These two qalâs were there from the beginning. In this qalâ:

Khalifa Sayyed M.
Hâji Sayyed âhmad
Mirzâ Ali (who was named as one of two Mullâs in times before)
Rustam
Bargili
âhmad Ali
Sayyed Ali
Gholam M.
Metar (he was from Besud. Married a woman there and lived there.)

When they became Ismaili, Khalifa Sayyed M. was 40. Sayyed âhmad was 45 — no they were younger, maybe 15 or 20 when they became Ismaili. Khalifa Sayyed M. was a Khalifa for P.S. before he returned to Pusht-i Mazar. It was then that there was trouble concerning them being Ismaili. Later, the mullâs came and read books — the Khalifa and the mullâ — Mullâh Bâba, who was from Qalâ-i Mullâh.

Sayyed M. was in Mazar-i Sharif until age 15. His father had been from Shumbul. He had left his father when he was 7 or 8 years old and went to Mazar. He became a student in a bakery (a nânbây) when he was about 12 years old. He was there 2 or 3 years. After this the P.S. made him a Khalifa. He told him to collect the tithes from all Ismailis of Mazar. There were only maybe 20 or 30 houses. He was to bring money to the P.S. There was no Khalifa before this. Maybe before that the P.S. had sent someone else. He was Khalifa for about 5 years. In the sixth year, he took a wife. He spent all the tithe money for the woman. So P.S. released him. The womam was from Mazâr — her lineage was from Besut.

After getting the wife, he moved to Shumbul back up to Pusht-i Mazâr. His father was not living. Sayyed M. maybe left because his father beat him or his father may have not gotten clothes for him. He went alone. Along the way, he may have done work as a donkey or camel driver. When he returned to Pusht-i Mazâr the trouble was for a year. (Sayyed M. came back to Shumbul because his land was there.) The brother stood with him. The brother was older and had become Ismaili before — I don’t know why. Probably he was afraid and was a secret Ismaili. When the younger brother came, they stood out [came forth] as Ismaili. Then all the rest of the qawm was angry at them.

Then the mullâ bâbây (from Qalâ-i Mullâ) came and sat with the qawm — 2 or 3 people came and said these 2 brothers were on the right way. They should accept them. They read and talked to them — were with them for two days. The trouble was for about one year. Then in 2 or 3 days it was finished. They were all quiet. This was from the book. It said this was better than Asnâshar. Mullâ bâbây was Ismaili and all his ancestors since a long time before. They were Ismaili for two generations back. From a long time ago, they were Khalifa also.

The Asnâshar in those days were taking money. They took one Afghani out of five (for tithe). They have Mujta’id (this is now âqâ-i Ali âhmad). In those days, they didn’t have a Mujta’id. In those days, someone collected the money and bought a cow or sheep and killed them in front of masjid (the mosque). The money was not forced from them.

In their group, they read the books and people cried among themselves. The person who collects the money is a mullâ — sent by the âqâ-i Mujta’id. In the present, this is collected at the time of the harvest. The mullâs may be relatives of the Mujta-id or maybe just a learned person. The Mullâ is from the place of the mujta-id.

In those days, the Mullâs of the Mujta’id got the money and carried it to the Mushta`id. There was a masjid, that is a mosque, in each village. Each qawm had its own masjid. For each masjid, a family of mullâs were in charge of the masjid. In time of harvest, the farmers paid the tithe to the family. They collect the money and got quite a lot. They were ususally rich. In the early days, P.M. had no mullâ. Among themselves they collected money, they bought a cow, killed it and ate it in the name of God. The elders were in charge of collection. The extra money was in the hands of the elders. These were M. Alam and Mirzâ Ali. They collected the money and paid for the worship ceremony. The masjid was from a long time before. The people together had built it and it is still there. MGH’s grandfathers had built it. In dispute over Ismailism, these two elders were perhaps more outspoken against Ismaili. The Mir and Arbâb are separate from those leaders who are religious leaders.

They are separate because there is too much work for one man. Hâji Sayyed âmad: he was a Ismaili and went on the hâj.

Ismaili beliefs – pir teaching against ziarats

We don’t believe in zyârats, don’t believe in going there to pray to get blessings. As long as the P.S. is alive has strength [we can go to him], but after he is dead, [there is] no possible help to give us. Why have a zyârat? The others kiss hands of a Pir and touch their faces to his hands to get blessings. But our P.S. won’t give his hand to anyone. Only sometimes our people kiss hands and his sons as endearment.

said in qurân. The P.S. shows from qurân that zyârats are not right. We accept the books of 4 groups: qurân, the New Testament of Jesus, the book of David, and the ??torât?? of Moses. Zyârats have no value, P.S. said. You are better than those thingss. You have made them.

We destroyed the zyârats. Before, the people who were ??mullâhs?? of these zyârats were very rich. We destroyed them and let go the mullâhs. We had one near our village. I was 20-30 years old. We then used to have 10 degs — great big ones — cooking the sheep cows we killed. Everyone ate them at that time. We would collect from each hh. maybe 200 [afs] at each house, then bought a cow or two sheep; then killed them at the shrine.

We do this as a custom. We all gathered after eating and prayed — dawâ — (not namâz). Prayed to the shrine that as it was great, it should implore God to forgive us of our sins. Not pray for crops — because nature happens in crops. Mullâh Khodâynazzar. He had a farm. His only job was to sweep out the shrine and the mosque, gathered the hours??, and built the deg dâns.